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American Empire: The REailities & Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy by Andrew J. Bacevich (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002); Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World by Walter Russell Mead (New York: Routledge, 2
recently, mainstream U.S. political pundits rarely applied the term
imperialist to the United States. Such a term was unflattering
to a country that had won its independence fighting a colonial power
and which has long preached the ideal of national self-determination.
It was only critics of U.S. foreign policy on the isolationist right
or on the far left that employed what was seen as an epithet.
Over the last few years, however, numerous conservatives and liberals have come to openly embrace imperialism as a way of life in the U.S. Sebastian Mallaby, for example, an editorial writer and columnist for the Washington Post, advocates that the United States and the West more generally take on the imperialist yoke to rescue failed statesa rich mans burden of sorts. Even individuals normally associated with the left end of the mainstream political spectrum echo such calls. Christopher Hitchens, for example, has called for a benign imperialism (perceiving the current debacle in Iraq as an example of such), while David Rieff argues that our unfortunate, but realistic choice in todays world is one between barbarism and an imperialism that minimizes such barbarism.
From the right-wing internationalist end of the political spectrum, Max Boot, the head of the opinion page of the Wall Street Journal, similarly champions an American imperium. In his The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power, published last year, he argues for an almost-messianic mission to spread U.S. influence and values (in the form of liberal democracy and, especially, capitalism) abroad and to enlarge the U.S.s (informal) empire of liberty in the process.
Richard Holbrooke, who served as the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations during Clintons second term, endorses Boots book, calling it ground-breaking and stating that it could change your views on one of the most important issues facing our nation: the use of military force as a policy instrument.
Andrew Bacevich, the director of Boston Universitys Center for International Relations, would see such bipartisanship as symptomatic of the lack of significant differences between mainstream Democrats and Republicans about the right of the United States to dominate world affairs. A retired Marine colonel and former West Point professor, Bacevich was one of those people who long rejected the idea that the United States was imperialist. U.S. policy after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of East-West conflict, however, has caused him to reconsider the notion that U.S. policy abroad is based on high-minded guiding principles. In offering an insightful, provocative, and erudite assessment of U.S. statecraft abroad in the 1990s, Bacevichs American Empire: The Realities & Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy makes a persuasive case that imperialist applies to Washingtons foreign policy. This analysis does not apply only to the post-Cold War era, he contends. Indeed, the end of hostilities with the Soviet Bloc merely inaugurated a new phase of a U.S. global strategy one of openness. This strategy champions free enterprise economic systems and liberal democratic polities as part of a world order dominated by the United States and has its roots in policies and practices that precede the Cold War. (Nevertheless, Bacevich supported the fight against those who conspired against freedom that embodied the Cold Wardespite the many crimes attributed to Washington during this time.)
The fact of empire, asserts Bacevich, enjoys broad support across the elite political spectrum. Democrats and Republicans may differ on the wisdom of a star wars shield or on humanitarian intervention in a particular case. These points of discord, however, amount to little more than quibbles over operational details as there is a profound consensus about the fundamentals of U.S. policy. These fundamentals include the notions that the United States must lead (i.e., dominate) the world, that it is at the forefront of a historical wave that will result in the rest of the world looking increasingly like the U.S., and that it is Washingtons duty and right to ensure that such historical destiny unfolds.
In a fascinating chapter in which he analyzes the rhetoric of Democrats and Republicans surrounding globalization, Bacevich shows how both parties similarly employ the promises of globalizationwhat he calls the new magic lampin order to legitimate the maintenance and enhancement of U.S. global hegemony. The end of the Cold War and the ushering in of a new era of globalization has permitted the United States to pursue its universalizing agenda in a relatively unfettered manner.
Bacevichs concern in writing the book does not grow out of an anti-imperialist stance. To the contrary, he wants the United States to dominate the world. But the question that Baecevich thinks is in need of urgent attention is what sort of empire [U.S. citizens] intend theirs to be. For the United States to keep its empire requires that Washington be smarter internationally. Hence, he warns against the growing power of the Pentagon in the formulation of foreign policy and excessive reliance on military force. As an antidote, Bacevich calls for greater use of patient diplomacy. The failure to pursue such a course of action brought about the Kosovo war, one, in Bacevichs estimation, that was avoidable.
maintenance of empire, Bacevich tells us, also requires self-awareness.
Because the U.S. populace as a whole and much of the political class
are in denial about the nature of U.S. policy abroad, such self-awareness
is lacking. For policymakers to pretend that no such empire exists
is to risk the demise of the U.S. empire and to bring danger to
the U.S. republic. Although highly unattractive in terms of its
overall political agenda, Bacevichs book is a very important
one to read, especially for those interested in understanding better
and challenging the empire he seeks to preserve.
While Bacevich is interested in the broad support in elite policymaking circles for U.S. imperialism, Walter Russell Meads Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (much-acclaimed in elite circles) offers a sharply contrasting view of U.S. statecraft. Winner of the 2002 Lionel Gelber Prize for the best English-language, non-fiction work on international affairs, the book attempts to answer the question why U.S. foreign policy has been so successful in making the United States the richest and most powerful country in world history. Meads ho-hum goal is to dispel the view that the U.S. ruling class has never taken international affairs seriously.
Rather than seeing a foreign policy consistency born of a narrow consensus, Mead, a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, perceives a unity born of diversity, one made up principally of four schools of thought that both compete with and complement one another. These diverse perspectives produce a powerful symphony rather than a cacophony of shouting voices, in Meads estimation, demonstrating the importance of democracy to the formulation of a successful foreign policy and the necessity of all four schools for that success.
Hamiltonians advocate a strong link between big business and the federal government and the pursuit of a foreign policy that reflects the interests of this alliance. Wilsonians are the school of high internationalist ideals, believing that the United States has a duty to spread democratic values and to respect and uphold the rule of international law. On the more isolationist side, Jeffersonians fear that international entanglements run the risk of involving the United States in unsavory alliances or in war; they thus champion a cautious and limited foreign policy, preferring that the country focus its energies on enhancing democracy at home. Finally, the Jacksonians are preoccupied with the physical security of the United States and the countrys economic well-being, defining such in largely populist terms.
These ways of seeing are promiscuous, Mead contends, in that each can and often does work well with the others. U.S. citizens respond to the schools in different ways depending on the context they find themselves. For him, this reflects the pragmatism and flexibility of U.S. foreign policy in addition to the liberalism inherent in U.S. political culture.
Besides being novel, these ideal types are very useful in thinking about the various strains that inform U.S. policy overseas. But while helpful in thinking about policy debates surrounding, say, most-favored-nation trading status for China or military intervention in the former Yugoslavia, how much do they elucidate the almost unanimous support within Congress and the Beltway for Israels ongoing occupation and dispossession of the Palestinian peoplean issue Mead completely ignores despite its significance in U.S. foreign policy? Or, more generally, the bipartisan support (despite occasional and weak protestations from Wilsonians) for the position that the United States has a right and duty to lead the world? Little to none.
This inadequacy is, in part, a manifestation of Meads failure to link the ideas he discusses to concrete interests and a bothersome tendency to assume that differences of political opinion reflect just that: different evaluations by honest people trying to do their best in a difficult and dangerous world. He thus makes some ludicrous statements, writing, for example, that there is nothing in the historical record that shows that Nixon and Kissinger werent acting on the basis of...an honest desire to promote the peace and happiness of the human race. Of the Hamiltonian position that free trade is the best path to world peace, he argues that belief is sincerely held and deeply felt.
Similarly, he has trouble distinguishing between form and substance, and the selective employment of principled arguments which inevitably leads to hypocrisy in practiceand principled convictions and thus generally consistent practice. Mead unabashedly informs the reader, for instance, that Ronald Reagan made the international support for human rights a cornerstone of his own administration. He later writes that Madeleine Albright had Wilsonian convictions as secretary of statedespite dutifully serving an Administration that showed little respect for international law and true multilateralism. Now, Mead states, Colin Powellthe man who shamelessly huckstered in the United Nations on behalf of the Bush II White Houses war- mongering against Iraqleads the Administrations Jeffersonian wing in the Bush II administration. In reading such characterizations, one is left wondering just how much the distinctions between the various schools of thought mean in the real world.
breadth and depth of Meads grasp of U.S. diplomatic history
is truly impressive. But Meads presentation of that history
suffers due to, among other things, his focus on high-minded ideals.
He fails, for example, to discuss issues of power and thus makes
no effort to explain how and why certain modes of thinking about
particular issues become more salient, why certain issues and agendas
become important or dominant, and who is in position to make this
happen and why. Only in the final chapter does he even attempt to
do so, mentioning that [l]obbies, sometimes unrelated to any
of the major schools, also seize hold of the foreign policy apparatus.
Similarly, there is no appreciation for low-minded agendas and how
they inform foreign policy. Greed, for example, merits no treatment,
nor does racism. Mead does write that the Jacksonian school long
practiced racist exclusion in terms of the domestic polity, but
he does he not discuss it in terms of U.S. practice abroad, apart
from mentioning and quickly dismissing racism as a factor in the
ferocity of Washingtons bombing of Japan during World War
Mead bends over backwards to treat each school on its own terms and to offer a fair assessment. In doing so, however, he is insufficiently critical. Despite the hype surrounding the book, it ultimately challenges little. To the contrary, it reinforces the tired notion of U.S. exceptionalism. Thus, he paints U.S. deployment of violence as inherently less brutal than that of Washingtons enemies. In doing so, he sometimes grossly understates the human devastation wrought by the United States.
In the case of Vietnam, for example, Mead reports that some 365,000 Vietnamese civilians are believed to have died as a result of the war during the U.S.-dominated phase. To understand why Meads data differ so radically from the figure of one to three million Vietnamese civilian deaths that most historians attribute to Washington, one needs to go to the endnotes. There, the reader learns that Mead does not include civilians killed in the ubiquitous free-fire zones, noting that they were countedpresumably by the Pentagon as military casualties.
Such mischaracterizations are perhaps a function of Meads convictions. While, in the end, he confesses to being partial to Jeffersonianism, he admits to liking all four schools as he sees them collectively necessary for a successful U.S. foreign policy. Thus, despite the supposed anti-imperial credentials of the Jeffersonians, Mead embraces a U.S. empire. Although he acknowledges the many imperfections and injustices that exist in the present international system, he calls on the United States to deter others from challenging the basic institutions and features of the global system. These are hardly words of inspirationexcept to one dedicated to an ugly global status quo dominated by the United States. Meadunlike Bacevich seems to be unaware of how conservative he is.
Although Mead is not fully convinced of the wisdom of continued American domination of the global system, Niall Ferguson is. A professor of economic history at New York University and at Oxford, he described himself in a recent New York Times Magazine piece as a fully paid-up member of the neoimperialist gang.
Fergusons Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power is not so much a history of the British Empire as it is an account of what he calls Angloglobalizationglobalization as promoted by imperial Britain and its colonies. In telling this story, Ferguson does not pretend that this process was a bloodless one. Slavery, massacres, dispossession, and ethnic cleansing are very much part of his account. But he is bothered by the fact that discussions of imperialism only talk about its ugly legacies and not its beneficial ones as well.
In this regard, he endeavors to show that the British Empire has done more than any other organization in history to bring about the free movement of goods, capital, and laborfor Fergusons neo-classical mind, keys to prosperityand to impose Western norms as they relate to law, order, and governance. Today, it is only the United States that can lead this imperial, modernizing role. Indeed, it already is doing so to a significant extent. Butunfortunately from Fergusons perspectiveit is an empire that lacks the drive to export its capital, its people and its culture to those backward regions which need them most urgently. Echoing Bacevich, Ferguson calls the United States an empire in denial.
The heart of Fergusons book grew out of a series he helped to produce for British television. As such, it sometimes has the feeling of a history-lite with its emphasis on interesting characters and their idiosyncrasies. As such, there is probably little here for those who know a good deal already about the rise and fall of the British Empire. But for a less specialized audience, there is much of interest as it is written in an engaging style that shows an appreciation for varying perspectives.
Nonetheless, Fergusons book is remarkably thin in substantiating its grandiose claims. The key assumptionone he never discussesis that modernity is an unadulterated good that all peoples should have. He knows of no other wayat least one that is less bloodyto have brought about the modernization of so much of the world other than through British imperialism. Other European powers, he argues, were less beneficent in cultivating Western institutions and/or more violent.
for modes of law, order, and governance, to say nothing of the economic
systems, that pre-existed and were undermined by imperialism, they
are presumably of little value. Ferguson does not even entertain
the idea that that which British imperialism destroyed in its former
colonies might have led to something better had people, places,
and practices been left alone.
But perhaps that is because Ferguson assumes that, had not Britain conquered the world, some other more ruthless and less progressive (modernizing) empire-builder would have done so. In his view, British imperialism is a relatively benign one. This helps explain why heand so many other elites in the United Statestoday endorses U.S. imperialism.
But there is also another reason: Washingtons imperialism is geographically different from Londons. Unlike imperial Britain, Japan, or Franceso the thinking goesthe United States has generally not been interested in, nor pursued, territorial conquest. Instead, it has allegedly achieved its global influence through relatively civilized means, one in which geography (a narrowly conceived one) does not figure.
The unique nature of the United States global dominion is the subject of Neil Smiths American Empire: Roosevelts Geographer and the Prelude to Globalization. While the bulk of the book is an intellectual and political biography of Isaiah Bowmanthe most prominent and influential American geographer of the 20th century, a former president of Johns Hopkins, and a founder and stalwart of the Council on Foreign Relationsits greater purpose is to show how changing conceptions of geographical space reflected a specific U.S. notion of empire and how the associated practices have helped to realize this notion.
Smith is a professor of geography at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Not surprisingly, he brings the academic disciplines sensibilities to his project. The result is a book that is complex, challenging, and often dense. Smith often gets too bogged down in the details of Bowmans life and does not sufficiently develop and substantiate the link between the ideas and practices embodied by Bowman and the contemporary U.S. empire. But given the books rich and novel detail and its myriad significant insights, it is a book well worth a careful read.
One of Smiths core arguments is that geography has been central to the imagining and making of the U.S. empire. It is a geography that is different from the old imperialist view that saw space as absolute or as the endowment of natural resources of a particular territory. Instead, it is one that perceives space as socially constructed, the outcome and a reproducer of particular political and economic processes, rather than primordial and unchanging.
Bowman embodied these changing conceptions and was able to act on them through his policy work and through his position as advisor to Woodrow Wilson, at the Paris Peace Conference, and Franklin Roosevelt during World War II. In doing so, he helped to give birth to and further the notion that territorial control was passé as a way of achieving global dominance. European colonialism had helped to unite the world, integrating the so-called Third World into a West-dominated world economy, one over which the United States would soon reign supreme. World War II provided the ultimate opening for the United States to take advantage of the world market created by European powers. It is in this light that we should understand (albeit markedly inconsistent and internally contradictory) U.S. support for post-war decolonization and self-determinationat least in the formal sense. Smith characterizes this vision as one of global economic access without colonies, one paired with a geostrategic vision of necessary military bases around the globe both to protect global economic interests and to restrain any further military belligerence. (Today, the United States has military bases in more than 60 countries and territories.)
The U.S. empire is thus predicated on a global marketalbeit one over which a ruling class that remains tied to the national interests of the United States has a disproportionate amount of influencerather than on a sub-global economic sphere made up of colonized areas ruled by and centered on a single mother country. It is a nationalist globalism in Smiths words. As such, partnerships are an important component of U.S. imperialism as are global institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Together, these partnerships (with other wealthy countries and with Third World elites) and international institutions help to resolve the geographical contradiction between a world of national territorial states and an increasingly globalized economy. In line with such thinking, direct territorial control is not necessary. The post-war world order that has evolved is one of a structurally unequal economic encounter between poor and wealthy economies...organized through the seeming equanimity of economic exchange. In this regard, the market serves simultaneously as camouflage and mechanism for continued imperialism, albeit without colonization.
The choice is thus not one between a benign imperialism and barbarisma false distinctionbut between imperialist barbarism and a world order radically different from the apartheid-like one in which we all currently reside. The question is, do we have the ability to envision such a world order and the courage to struggle to achieve it?
Joseph Nevins teaches geography at Vassar College. He is the author of Operation Gatekeeper: The Rise of the Illegal Alien and the Making of the U.S.-Mexico Boundary.
Z Magazine Archive
AnnouncementsLABOR - May 1 is May Day. Workers of the world will celebrate the 124th anniversary of International Worker’s Day. Born out of a call for an 8-hour workday in the United States, this day is an opportunity for all workers to show their solidarity with one another, as well as to renew the call for labor rights.
FARM CONFERENCE - The Farm Conference on Community and Sustainability will be held May 24-26 in Summertown, TN, in partnership with the Fellowship of Intentional Communities. Tour green homes, see sustainable food production, learn about solar installations, alternative education, midwifery, and more.
Contact: Douglas@thefarmcommunity.com; http://www.thefarmcommunity.com/.
PALESTINE - The Conference of the Palestinian Shatat in North American will be held June 3-5 in Vancouver. The conference will examine the future of the Palestinian liberation movement.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.palestinianconference.org/.
LABOR - The Pacific Northwest Labor History Association’s 45th annual conference will be held May 3-5, in Portland, OR. This year’s theme is Labor Under Attack: Learning from the Past and Preparing for the Future. A call for presentations, workshops and papers is currently underway.
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MARIJUANA - On the first Saturday of May marijuana legalization activists will hold informational and educational events, rallies and marches in over 300 cities around the world.
ECONOMICS - The Union For Radical Political Economics will hold its 39th annual conference May 9-11 in New York City.
RECLAIM THE DREAM - The 2013 Poor People’s Campaign & March from Baltimore to Washington D.C. will be May 11. Communities, schools and unions interested in participating are encouraged to contact the Baltimore People’s Assembly.
Contact: 410-500-2168; 410-218-4835; BaltimorePeoplesAssembly@gmail.com; Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Baltimore and the Baltimore Peoples Power Assembly, 2011 N. Charles St., Baltimore, MD 21218.
MOTHER’S DAY - The 17th Annual Mother’s Day Walk For Peace will be May 12th, in Dorchester, MA. The walk began in 1996 for families who had lost children to violence. The day has become a way for thousands of people to financially support the work of the Louis Brown Peace Institute.
Contact: http://www.ldbpeaceinstitute.org/; http://mothersdaywalk4peace.org/.
NATO 5 - An International Week of Solidarity with the NATO 5 has been called for May 16-21. Supports call on supporters to raise awareness of the NATO 5 and support funds for the defendants on the one-year anniversary of their preemptive arrests.
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MOUNTAINTOP - The 2013 Mountain Justice Summer Activist Training Camp will be held May 19-27 in Damascus, VA. It will be a week of workshops, field trips to view Mountain Top Removal coal mines, direct actions, and service project.
FEMINIST SCI-FI - The feminist science fiction convention WisCon 37 is scheduled for May 24-27 in Madison, WI.
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ANARCHY FEST - A month-long Festival of Anarchy is scheduled for May in Montreal. The festival includes The Montreal Anarchist Bookfair (May 19-20).
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LABOR - The International Labor Rights Forum will present: Down the Supply Chain, Driving Corporate Accountability, on May 22 in Washington, DC. The Labor Rights Awards Ceremony and Reception will honor pioneers in supply chain worker organizing, working solidarity and international labor rights policy.
MULTICULTURE - The 26th annual National Conference on Race & Ethnicity in American Higher Education (NCORE) will take place May 28-June 1, in New Orleans.
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MEDIA - The 2013 Alliance for Community Media Annual Conference will be held May 29-31, in San Francisco, CA. Participants will include educators, community leaders, media professionals, journalists, nonprofit leaders, policymakers and students.
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BRADLEY MANNING - On June 1, a rally will be held at Fort Meade in support of Bradley Manning.
BIKES - Bikes Not Bombs is holding its 24th annual Bike-A-Thon and Green Roots Festival in Boston, MA on June 3, with several bike rides scheduled, music, exhibitors and more.
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LEFT FORUM - The 2013 Left Forum will be held June 7-9, at Pace University in New York City.
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VEGAN FEST - Mad City Vegan Fest will be held in Madison, WI, June 8. The annual event features food, speakers, and exhibitors.
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ADC CONFERENCE - The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) holds its annual conference June 13-16, in Washington, DC, with panel discussions and workshops on civil rights, media and other topics.
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CUBA/SOCIALISM - A Cuban-North American Dialog on Socialist Renewal and Global Capitalist Crisis will be held in Havana, Cuba, June 16-30. There will be a 5 day Seminar at University of Havana, plus visits to a cooperative, urban garden, community development project, social research centers, and educational & medical institutions.
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NETROOTS - The 8th Annual Netroots Nation conference will take place June 20-23 in San Jose, CA. The event features panels, trainings, networking, screenings, and keynotes.
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MEDIA - The 15th annual Allied Media Conference will be held June 20-23, in Detroit.
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GRASSROOTS - The United We Stand Festival will be hosted by Free & Equal, June 22 in Little Rock, Arkansas. The festival aims to reform the electoral process throughout the U.S.
SOCIALISM - The Socialism 2013 Conference is scheduled for June 27-30 in Chicago, featuring talks and panel discussions.
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LITERACY - The National Association for Media Literacy Education (NAMLE) will hold its conference July 12-13 in Los Angeles under the heading, Intersections: Teaching and Learning Across Media.
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IWW - The North American Work People’s College will take place July 12-16 at Mesaba Co-op Park in northern Minnesota. The event will bring together Wobblies from branches across the continent to learn new skills and build One Big Union.
PEACESTOCK - On July 13th, the 11th Annual Peacestock: A Gathering for Peace, will take place at Windbeam Farm in Hager City, WI. The event is a mixture of music, speakers and community for peace. Sponsored by Veterans for Peace.
Contact: Bill Habedank, 1913 Grandview Ave., Red Wing, MN 55066; 651-388-7733; email@example.com; http://www.peacestockvfp.org.
CHILDREN’S DEFENSE - July 15-19, join clergy, seminarians, Christian educators, young adult leaders and other faith-based advocates for children at CDF Haley Farm in Clinton, Tennessee, for five days of spiritual renewal, networking, movement building workshops, and continuing education about the urgent needs of children at the 19th annual Proctor Institute for Child Advocacy Ministry.
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ACTIVIST CAMP - Youth Empowered Action (YEA) Camp will have sessions in July and August in Ben Lomond, CA; Portland, OR; Charlton, MA. YEA Camp is designed for activists 12-17 years old who want to make a difference in the world.
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LA RAZA - The annual National Council of La Raza (NCLR) Conference is scheduled for July 18-19 in New Orleans, with workshops, presentations and panel discussions.
Contact: NCLR Headquarters Office, Raul Yzaguirre Building, 1126 16th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036; 202-785-1670; www.nclr.org.
LABOR - The Eastern Conference For Workplace Democracy: Growing Our Cooperatives, Growing Our Communities, will be held at Drexel University in Philadelphia, PA, July 26-28.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://east.usworker.coop/.
WOMEN/LYNNE STEWART- Radical Women is asking for support letters and cards to be sent to Lynne Stewart. Stewart is a civil rights attorney and political prisoner who is currently in jail. She has breast cancer and authorities have denied her request for transfer from her Texas prison to the New York City hospital where she received medical attention during a prior bout of breast cancer. Send messages and cards to: Lynne Stewart 53504-054, Federal Medical Center Carswell, P.O. Box 27137, Fort Worth, TX 76127.
Contact: 747 Polk Street, San Francisco, CA 94109; 415-864-1278; RadicalWomenUS@gmail.com; http://lynnestewart.org/; http://www.radicalwomen.org/.
HAITI/WOMEN - Haiti’s government is considering a legal reform measure that would prohibit and punish all sexual assault, including marital rape. MADRE and the International Campaign to Stop Rape & Gender Violence in Conflict are launching a petition to raise international support for this push to address violence against women in Haiti.
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SYRIA/MIDDLE EAST - The Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA) is currently seeking funds to assist more than 200,000 refugees fleeing violence in Syria.
FOLK FESTIVAL - The Falcon Ridge Folk Festival will be held August 2-4, in the Berkshires, NY.
Contact: http://www.falconridgefolk.com/; firstname.lastname@example.org.
WAR RESISTERS - The War Resisters League will hold its 90th anniversary conference, Revolutionary Nonviolence: Building Bridges Across Generations and Communities, August 1-4, at Georgetown University. The event will focus on the U.S.’ long history of antimilitarism.
Contact: 339 Lafayette Street, New York, NY 10012; 212-228-0450; email@example.com; http://www.warresisters.org.
POPULAR ECONOMICS - The Center for Popular Economics is holding its 2013 Summer Institute August 4-9 at Hampshire College in Amherst, MA. No background in economics is needed for this intensive training. This year’s theme is, The Care Economy: Building a Just Economy with a Heart.
Contact: Center for Popular Economics, PO Box 785 Amherst, MA 01004; 413-545-0743; firstname.lastname@example.org; www.populareconomics.org.
VETERANS - Veterans for Peace is holding the 28th annual convention August 6-11 in Madison, WI. This year’s theme is, Power To The Peaceful.
DEMOCRACY - The Democracy Convention will take place August 7-11 in Madison, WI. The convention brings together nine conferences including topics such as media, education, defense, race, environment and others.
MEN - The 38th National Conference on Men & Masculinity: Forging Justice: Creating Safe, Equal and Accountable Communities, presented in partnership with HAVEN, will be held in Detroit, MI, August 8-10.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.nomas.org/.
OCCUPY - An Occupy National Gathering will be held in Kalamazoo, MI, August 21-25.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://occupynationalgathering.net/.
COMMUNITIES - The Communities Conference is a networking and learning opportunity for co-operative or communal lifestyles, with workshops, events and entertainment; scheduled for August 30-September 2 at the Twin Oaks Community in Louisa, Virginia.
LABOR DAY - The 29th annual Bread and Roses Festival, a celebration of the ethnic diversity and labor history of Lawrence, MA, will be held September 2, in honor of the 1912 Bread and Roses Strike. There will be music, dance, poetry, drama, ethnic food, historical demonstrations, walking & trolley tours.
Contact: PO Box 1137, Lawrence, MA 01842; 978-794-1655; http://www.breadandrosesheritage.org/.
OCCUPY WALL STREET - September 17 is the two-year anniversary of the Occupy Wall Street movement. Events are planned in New York City and worldwide.
TEACHERS - The 13th Annual Conference, “Teaching for Social Justice: The Politics of Pedagogy,” will be held October 12 in San Francisco, CA. The free event features workshops, resources, and free childcare.
Contact: 415-676-7844; email@example.com; http://www.t4sj.org/.
HAITI - International Action, which brings clean water and chlorinators to Haiti, seeks office space capable of housing up to six people and their office equipment.
Contact: Zach Bremer, Zbrehmer@haitiwater.org; 202-488-0735; http://www.haitiwater.org/.
MEDIA - The Union for Democratic Communications and Project Censored are sponsoring a joint conference on media democracy, media activism and social justice to be held November 1-3 at the University of San Francisco. Proposals for presentations, workshops and panels from activists and critical scholars are invited.