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Conservatives split over war
T welve years ago, conservatives split sharply over the first Bush administration’s drive toward war with Iraq. While the majority of right-wingers supported the president’s war plans, anti-war rightists such as Patrick Buchanan criticized Israel’s “amen corner” and raised larger questions about the United States’ role in a post-Cold War world. Absent the Soviet threat, they argued, the U.S. government should stop trying to impose its will on other countries and concentrate on defending America First.
Today, as a second Bush administration moves toward reintensifying the war with Iraq, conservative anti-interventionists are still vocal and their criticisms go much farther than those of establishment figures such as Lawrence Eagleburger or Brent Scowcroft. Scowcroft’s central concern regarding Bush’s policy was that a full-scale attack on Iraq would seriously hurt the war on terrorism. But right-wing anti-interventionists have been criticizing the war on terrorism for the past year. They are horrified when conservative hawks at the Weekly Standard or Commentary call for “World War IV” against militant Islam or openly celebrate an “American empire.” Sometimes the anti-interventionist Right seems to echo leftist arguments. But its politics are rooted in deeply reactionary principles and goals.
Consider Samuel Francis. A former Heritage Foundation policy analyst who branded the ANC and the Sandinistas as Soviet-sponsored terrorists, Francis now argues that the September 11 mass killings were payback for the United States’ illegal and unprovoked warfare against other countries, including the mass slaughter of civilians in Iraq. He warns that expanding police powers in the name of homeland security threatens citizens’ right to dissent. Yet Francis also argues that large-scale immigration from Mexico is one of the top security threats facing the United States. “Having many different races in the same country,” he claims, “is a sure formula for anarchy.”
For anti-war leftists, Sam Francis is a reminder that anti-militarism can go hand in hand with oppressive politics. That can be a problem within our own movements and it is also something we should be mindful of as we build broader anti-war coalitions. Rightists do not speak with one voice, but rather have developed a variety of ways to exploit both prejudices and legitimate grievances. This has contributed to the Right’s success over the past quarter century.
The anti-interventionist Right reflects a neutralist or “isolationist” strain in American conservative thought that goes back to the 1930s and early 1940s, when the Old Right opposed U.S. involvement in World War II. Chief heirs to this tradition today are paleoconservatives such as Francis, Buchanan, Joseph Sobran, and Justin Raimondo. Paleocon-controlled institutions include the Ludwig von Mises Institute, the Rockford Institute, and the Antiwar.com website. Paleocons uphold an old-style conservatism that unapologetically favors native-born white Christians. (While glorifying Western civilization, paleocons disagree on whether whites’ cultural achievements are biologically determined.) Unlike much of the conservative establishment, paleoconservatives are hostile to economic globalization and mass immigration, and sharply critical of the state of Israel.
Paleocons are bitter enemies of the neoconservatives, a political current started by former Cold War liberals who moved rightward in the 1970s and defected from the Democratic Party to join the Reagan coalition. Neocons include Weekly Standard editor William Kristol, Norman Podhoretz of Commentary magazine, Jeane Kirkpatrick, William Bennett, and Pentagon advisor Richard Perle. Paleocons charge that the globalist-oriented neocons are still liberals at heart and that they have hijacked many mainstream conservative institutions, from the National Review to the Heritage Foundation to the American Enterprise Institute. Neocons, many of whom are Jewish, accuse the paleocons of anti-Semitism and xenophobia.
Several related sectors of the Right share the paleocons’ anti-interventionism, including the John Birch Society, sections of the Libertarian Party such as 2000 presidential candidate Harry Browne, Gary North’s theocratic Institute for Christian Economics, and groups that focus on promoting White racial identity, such as the American Nationalist Union, American Renaissance, and the neo-Confederate League of the South.
Anti-interventionists agree with the hawks on some points. Unlike the neonazis who praised the September 11 attacks as righteous blows against an evil Jewish elite, the anti-interventionists expressed grief and horror at the mass killings and most of them supported focused military reprisals against the perpetrators. Some have also endorsed certain repressive security measures such as the establishment of military tribunals and racial profiling to screen potential terrorists. Many anti-interventionists derogate not only “radical Islamism,” but Islam in general, as an alien and dangerous ideology.
But unlike mainstream conservatives, right-wing anti-interventionists regard September 11 as a predictable response to the United States’ own brutal crimes overseas. If the U.S. wants to protect itself against future terrorist attacks, they argue, it has to end its policy of global military intervention. “Who has reason to hate this country?” asked Joseph Sobran rhetorically. “Only a few hundred million people—Arabs, Muslims, Serbs, and numerous others whose countries have been hit by U.S. bombers.”
By contrast, the pro-interventionist National Review declared after September 11, “The United States is a target because we are powerful, rich, and good. We are resented for our power, envied for our wealth, and hated for our liberty. President George W. Bush told Congress that the terrorists ‘hate what we see right here in this chamber—a democratically elected government....’ They hate our freedoms—our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.”
Anti-interventionist conservatives dismiss such claims as arrogant nonsense. Pat Buchanan commented, “Osama bin Laden did not convince 19 educated young men to simultaneously commit suicide in defiance of freedom of assembly.” The issue, he stressed, is U.S. foreign policy, not our system of government. “As Osama bin Laden said, they want us to stop propping up the Saudi regime they hate and to get off the sacred Saudi soil on which sit the holiest shrines of Islam.”
Buchanan has long warned that dark-skinned peoples pose a threat to American civilization. Yet his portrayal of bin Laden as a rational enemy with specific objectives makes far more sense than the apocalyptic language of many conservative hawks, who portray the war on terrorism as a manichean struggle between the noble West and the evil, nihilistic barbarians. Neocon Charles Krauthammer, for example, called the war “a transcendent conflict between those who love life and those who love death.”
This debate has been marked by strange reversals. The American Nationalist Union promotes white supremacist views, but after September 11 its newspaper praised Secretary of State Colin Powell, a Black man, as “the chief voice of reason in the Bush administration” because he advocated restraint in the war on terrorism. Paleocons are usually identified with isolationism or unilateralism, but now it is neo-conservatives who urge unilateral action while paleocons stress the need to build alliances with Arab and European states and warn that war with Iraq could leave the United States truly isolated.
Less surprising was the John Birch Society’s insistence that the United States should punish those responsible for the September 11 attacks without becoming “further enmeshed in entangling alliances abroad.” To the Birch Society, the Bush administration undermined U.S. sovereignty by seeking United Nations and NATO approval before bombing Afghanistan, rather than getting a declaration of war from Congress as the Constitution requires. Unable to let go of the Cold War, Birchers also argued that Bush’s war fails to challenge the real sponsors of international terrorism: the Communist states of China, Cuba, and even Russia.
A common refrain among right-wing anti-interventionists is that the United States should be (as Buchanan titled one of his books) “a republic, not an empire.” This clashes squarely with neo-conservatives, who have been among those pressing for war most aggressively and in the most grandiose terms. To fully root out the threat of terrorism, neocons argue, the United States should embrace its imperial role. “Afghanistan and other troubled lands today cry out for the sort of enlightened foreign administration once provided by self-confident Englishmen in jodhpurs and pith helmets,” wrote Max Boot in the Weekly Standard . Michael Ledeen in the American Enterprise urged the United States to “wage revolutionary war against all the terrorist regimes, and gradually replace them” with governments based on popular sovereignty. Such a course, he argued, would win mass support from the oppressed people of these countries.
Buchanan countered, “only naivete would expect an occupied country to thank rather than revile us.” Joseph Sobran wrote, “The United States is now a global empire that wants to think of itself as a universal benefactor, and is nonplussed when foreigners don’t see it that way.” Imperialism is a disastrous course, paleocons argue, because colonized peoples will inevitably use violence to throw off their colonizers and because imperialism means the growth of big government, militaristic repression of the home population, and a flood of foreign immigrants.
Like many rightists less critical of Bush’s war, anti-interventionists oppose the post-September 11 expansion of federal authority to spy on U.S. citizens. They warn that there is a serious threat to civil liberties from measures such as the USA PATRIOT Act, which gives police sweeping new search powers, and the TIPS program (Terrorism Information and Prevention System), which in its original form would have recruited millions of civilians to report on “suspicious” activities. (The conspiracy-minded John Birch Society, but not the paleocons, argued that the expansion of police powers was stealthily engineered by the Council on Foreign Relations, “the most visible element of the internationalist Power Elite.”)
At the same time, many anti-interventionists have supported the government’s repression against non-citizens and have urged even harsher measures, including an immediate halt to all immigration and deportation of all undocumented immigrants. Sam Francis warned that “a vast subculture of non-Western immigrants” allowed terrorists to move freely within the United States. He declared that “Islam, a great and in many respects admirable faith, simply is not part of [the West], and those who subscribe to Islam and its civilization are aliens....”
Despite such nativist bigotry, paleocons address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms surprisingly familiar to progressives. They argue that Palestinians have a right to national self-determination and that the Israeli occupation is brutal and illegal, that anti-civilian violence by both sides is wrong, and that real peace requires complete Israeli withdrawal to something like the 1967 borders and creation of a fully sovereign Palestinian state alongside Israel. The United States’ massive support of Israel, paleocons assert, fuels widespread anti-Americanism in the Arab world and fosters sympathy and support for terrorist groups such as al Qaeda.
Such arguments place paleocons sharply at odds with most conservatives, who routinely dismiss Palestinian grievances and portray Israel as a democratic society righteously defending itself against terrorism. Conservative pro-Zionism is not necessarily rooted in concern for Jews. Most of the Christian Right believes that a strong Israel hastens the millennial End Times in which all except true followers of Christ will be destroyed.
Paleoconservatives rightly argue that legitimate criticisms of Israel cannot be equated with anti-Semitism. But prominent paleocons such as Buchanan and Sobran have a history of praising antisemites and trivializing the Nazi genocide. Paleocons also tend to exaggerate the power of a Zionist lobby—Buchanan once referred to Congress as “Israeli-occupied territory”—playing into classic stereotypes of Jews as a hidden, superpowerful presence.
By contrast, the American Nationalist Union’s newspaper, the Nationalist Times , broadcasts explicitly anti-Jewish views. One writer warned of a “Judeo-Islamic-Masonic thrust against Christian-Western civilization.” Another remarked, “the [Israel First] newly patriotic media are the same crowd of rootless cosmopolitans that have been promoting degeneracy and perversion since they invented Hollywood.” The American Nationalist Union is successor to the Populist Party, which fielded ex-Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke as its presidential candidate in 1988.
Anti-intervention conservatism reemerged as an important political current with the end of the Cold War. Before that, most paleoconservatives supported an interventionist foreign policy in the name of anticommunism. In the 1980s, paleocons, neocons, Christian rightists, and other conservatives all worked closely with the Reagan administration to bolster anti-leftist military and paramilitary forces around the world, from Salvadoran and Philippine death squads to Angola’s UNITA rebels, from Nicaraguan contras to Afghanistan’s mujahedeen. Despite factional squabbles, anticommunism held the Reagan coalition together.
This coalition fell apart in 1989, the year President Reagan left office and Communist Party governments collapsed across Eastern Europe. Paleocons increasingly challenged the neocons’ vision of using U.S. power to export democracy throughout the world, as well as the neocons’ staunch pro-Zionism. In 1990, when Iraq invaded Kuwait and President George Bush, Sr. massed troops in Saudi Arabia, neocons and many other rightists loudly supported war with Iraq. Paleocons warned of pro-Israeli “dual loyalists” exerting too much influence over U.S. foreign policy and opposed the war preparations until actual combat began.
Over the following decade, Pat Buchanan’s three presidential campaigns became the focal point for an effort to revive a neutralist conservatism. Buchanan’s program evoked the America First Right of the 1930s and early 1940s, whose enemies list included New Deal social programs, labor unions, Eastern Establishment blue bloods, international bankers, and free trade.
In the 1992 Republican primaries, Buchanan condemned foreign aid, the stationing of “vast permanent U.S. armies on foreign soil,” and “the predatory traders of Europe and Asia” who threatened American industry and jobs. He abandoned his longtime support for free trade in favor of economic protectionism and identified Bush Senior with the sinister Eastern elite. (Bush’s 1991 call for a “new world order” sent shock waves through the antiglobalist Right, which regarded it as proof of an elite plot to impose a tyrannical One World Government.) In the 1996 primaries, Buchanan intensified his populist rhetoric against “unfettered capitalism” and corporations “who have lost all loyalty to America.”
Several factors weighed against Buchanan’s effort to build a lasting movement. In the mid-1990s, the rapid growth of antiglobalist citizens militias and the larger Patriot movement offered right-wing anti-interventionism an organized mass base. But the militias, which were fueled by apocalyptic expectations of massive repression, failed to build durable institutions and collapsed as a movement in the late 1990s.
Most Christian Right leaders did not support Buchanan’s campaigns. Although they shared his positions on many social issues such as abortion and homosexuality, Christian rightists such as Pat Robertson were intent on building their own power base within the Republican Party and did not want to alienate the party’s establishment. Buchanan also failed to win much business support. Aside from a few arch conservatives such as textile magnate Roger Milliken and the protectionist U.S. Business and Industrial Council, most capitalists steered clear of Buchanan’s economic nationalism. In the era of globalization, the large business bloc that had opposed Franklin Roosevelt’s free trade policies in the 1930s no longer existed.
In 2000, Buchanan finally left the Republican Party and won the Reform Party presidential nomination after a bitter struggle with other factions in the party founded by Ross Perot. Racial nationalist groups including the Liberty Lobby and the American Nationalist Union, rallied to Buchanan, but were alienated when he chose Ezola Foster, a Black conservative activist, as his vice-presidential running mate. Buchanan received a dismal 400,000 votes (0.43 percent) in the general election. This defeat was followed by infighting among paleocons over whether he had betrayed the cause and general uncertainty about the movement’s future.
Anti-interventionists are a small minority on the Right, and their prospects as a movement are uncertain. Some critics (such as Franklin Foer in the July 22, 2002 New Republic ) have written them off as finished, but this judgment may be premature. Despite their political isolation, anti-intervention conservatives target glaring weaknesses and absurdities in the pro-war position. Their critique of expansionist militarism and rising state repression, coupled with their anti-immigrant scapegoating, could once again tap into broad-based frustrations and fears—especially if substantial numbers of U.S. troops start dying in Iraq or elsewhere.
For the Left, becoming familiar with anti-intervention conservatism can help us recognize and combat political overtures from the Right. Over the past two decades, some rightists have tried repeatedly to build alliances with leftists on the basis of progressive-sounding politics. In 1990-1991, for example, members of Lyndon LaRouche’s fascist network (which includes the Schiller Institute and the New Federalist newspaper) took part in anti-war events across the country. With fake-radical conspiracy theories, they made a concerted effort to recruit liberal and leftist activists. Recently, the neonazi National Alliance has tried to lure progressives through a front group called the Anti-Globalism Action Network.
Coalition work is often important, but we should steer clear of groups and ideas rooted in bigotry, scapegoating, and defense of inequality. Otherwise we lend legitimacy to the Right and help oppressive politics grow within our own movements.
At the same time, we should avoid demonizing anti-interventionist rightists in ways that let pro-war conservatives and liberals off the hook. Too often, critiques of a so-called “radical Right” implicitly legitimize mainstream politics. The Pat Buchanans and Sam Francises are a danger that we should continue to oppose. But in this case it is mainstream conservatives and their liberal allies who, by cheering on a war that could cost hundreds of thousands of additional lives, pose the greater immediate threat.
Z Magazine Archive
AnnouncementsLABOR - May 1 is May Day. Workers of the world will celebrate the 124th anniversary of International Worker’s Day. Born out of a call for an 8-hour workday in the United States, this day is an opportunity for all workers to show their solidarity with one another, as well as to renew the call for labor rights.
FARM CONFERENCE - The Farm Conference on Community and Sustainability will be held May 24-26 in Summertown, TN, in partnership with the Fellowship of Intentional Communities. Tour green homes, see sustainable food production, learn about solar installations, alternative education, midwifery, and more.
Contact: Douglas@thefarmcommunity.com; http://www.thefarmcommunity.com/.
PALESTINE - The Conference of the Palestinian Shatat in North American will be held June 3-5 in Vancouver. The conference will examine the future of the Palestinian liberation movement.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.palestinianconference.org/.
LABOR - The Pacific Northwest Labor History Association’s 45th annual conference will be held May 3-5, in Portland, OR. This year’s theme is Labor Under Attack: Learning from the Past and Preparing for the Future. A call for presentations, workshops and papers is currently underway.
Contact: PNLHA, 27920 68th Ave. East, Graham, WA 98338; 206-406-2604; PNLHA1@aol.com; http://www3.telus.net.
MARIJUANA - On the first Saturday of May marijuana legalization activists will hold informational and educational events, rallies and marches in over 300 cities around the world.
ECONOMICS - The Union For Radical Political Economics will hold its 39th annual conference May 9-11 in New York City.
RECLAIM THE DREAM - The 2013 Poor People’s Campaign & March from Baltimore to Washington D.C. will be May 11. Communities, schools and unions interested in participating are encouraged to contact the Baltimore People’s Assembly.
Contact: 410-500-2168; 410-218-4835; BaltimorePeoplesAssembly@gmail.com; Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Baltimore and the Baltimore Peoples Power Assembly, 2011 N. Charles St., Baltimore, MD 21218.
MOTHER’S DAY - The 17th Annual Mother’s Day Walk For Peace will be May 12th, in Dorchester, MA. The walk began in 1996 for families who had lost children to violence. The day has become a way for thousands of people to financially support the work of the Louis Brown Peace Institute.
Contact: http://www.ldbpeaceinstitute.org/; http://mothersdaywalk4peace.org/.
NATO 5 - An International Week of Solidarity with the NATO 5 has been called for May 16-21. Supports call on supporters to raise awareness of the NATO 5 and support funds for the defendants on the one-year anniversary of their preemptive arrests.
Contact: email@example.com; https://nato5support.wordpress.com.
MOUNTAINTOP - The 2013 Mountain Justice Summer Activist Training Camp will be held May 19-27 in Damascus, VA. It will be a week of workshops, field trips to view Mountain Top Removal coal mines, direct actions, and service project.
FEMINIST SCI-FI - The feminist science fiction convention WisCon 37 is scheduled for May 24-27 in Madison, WI.
Contact: WisCon, ? SF3, PO Box 1624, Madison, WI 53701; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.wiscon.info/.
ANARCHY FEST - A month-long Festival of Anarchy is scheduled for May in Montreal. The festival includes The Montreal Anarchist Bookfair (May 19-20).
Contact: http://www.anarchistbookfair.ca/; http://www.radicalmontreal.com/.
LABOR - The International Labor Rights Forum will present: Down the Supply Chain, Driving Corporate Accountability, on May 22 in Washington, DC. The Labor Rights Awards Ceremony and Reception will honor pioneers in supply chain worker organizing, working solidarity and international labor rights policy.
MULTICULTURE - The 26th annual National Conference on Race & Ethnicity in American Higher Education (NCORE) will take place May 28-June 1, in New Orleans.
Contact: SWCHRS, 3200 Marshall Avenue, Suite 290, Norman, OK 73072; 405-325-3694; email@example.com; www.ncore.ou.edu.
MEDIA - The 2013 Alliance for Community Media Annual Conference will be held May 29-31, in San Francisco, CA. Participants will include educators, community leaders, media professionals, journalists, nonprofit leaders, policymakers and students.
RADIO - The 38th Annual Community Radio Conference is schedule for May 29-June 1, in San Francisco, CA, with discussions and workshops.
Contact: 1101 Pennsylvania Ave. NW, Suite 600, Washington, DC 20004; 202-756-2268; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.nfcb.org/.
BRADLEY MANNING - On June 1, a rally will be held at Fort Meade in support of Bradley Manning.
BIKES - Bikes Not Bombs is holding its 24th annual Bike-A-Thon and Green Roots Festival in Boston, MA on June 3, with several bike rides scheduled, music, exhibitors and more.
Contact: Bikes Not Bombs, 284 Amory St., Jamaica Plain, MA 02130; 617-522-0222; email@example.com; www.bikesnotbombs.org.
LEFT FORUM - The 2013 Left Forum will be held June 7-9, at Pace University in New York City.
Contact: 365 Fifth Avenue, CUNY Graduated Center, ? Sociology Dept., New York, NY 10016; http://www.leftforum.org/.
VEGAN FEST - Mad City Vegan Fest will be held in Madison, WI, June 8. The annual event features food, speakers, and exhibitors.
Contact: 122 State Street, Suite 405 B, Madison, WI 53701; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://veganfest.org/.
ADC CONFERENCE - The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) holds its annual conference June 13-16, in Washington, DC, with panel discussions and workshops on civil rights, media and other topics.
Contact: 1990 M Street, Suite 610, Washington, DC, 20036; 202-244-2990; email@example.com http://convention.adc.org/.
CUBA/SOCIALISM - A Cuban-North American Dialog on Socialist Renewal and Global Capitalist Crisis will be held in Havana, Cuba, June 16-30. There will be a 5 day Seminar at University of Havana, plus visits to a cooperative, urban garden, community development project, social research centers, and educational & medical institutions.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.globaljusticecenter.org/.
NETROOTS - The 8th Annual Netroots Nation conference will take place June 20-23 in San Jose, CA. The event features panels, trainings, networking, screenings, and keynotes.
Contact: 164 Robles Way, #276, Vallejo, CA 94591; email@example.com; http://www.netrootsnation.org/.
MEDIA - The 15th annual Allied Media Conference will be held June 20-23, in Detroit.
Contact: 4126 Third Street, Detroit, MI 48201; http://alliedmedia.org/.
GRASSROOTS - The United We Stand Festival will be hosted by Free & Equal, June 22 in Little Rock, Arkansas. The festival aims to reform the electoral process throughout the U.S.
SOCIALISM - The Socialism 2013 Conference is scheduled for June 27-30 in Chicago, featuring talks and panel discussions.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.socialismconference.org.
LITERACY - The National Association for Media Literacy Education (NAMLE) will hold its conference July 12-13 in Los Angeles under the heading, Intersections: Teaching and Learning Across Media.
Contact: 10 Laurel Hill Drive, Cherry Hill, NJ 08003; http://namle.net/conference/.
IWW - The North American Work People’s College will take place July 12-16 at Mesaba Co-op Park in northern Minnesota. The event will bring together Wobblies from branches across the continent to learn new skills and build One Big Union.
PEACESTOCK - On July 13th, the 11th Annual Peacestock: A Gathering for Peace, will take place at Windbeam Farm in Hager City, WI. The event is a mixture of music, speakers and community for peace. Sponsored by Veterans for Peace.
Contact: Bill Habedank, 1913 Grandview Ave., Red Wing, MN 55066; 651-388-7733; email@example.com; http://www.peacestockvfp.org.
CHILDREN’S DEFENSE - July 15-19, join clergy, seminarians, Christian educators, young adult leaders and other faith-based advocates for children at CDF Haley Farm in Clinton, Tennessee, for five days of spiritual renewal, networking, movement building workshops, and continuing education about the urgent needs of children at the 19th annual Proctor Institute for Child Advocacy Ministry.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.childrensdefense.org.
ACTIVIST CAMP - Youth Empowered Action (YEA) Camp will have sessions in July and August in Ben Lomond, CA; Portland, OR; Charlton, MA. YEA Camp is designed for activists 12-17 years old who want to make a difference in the world.
Contact: email@example.com; http://yeacamp.org/.
LA RAZA - The annual National Council of La Raza (NCLR) Conference is scheduled for July 18-19 in New Orleans, with workshops, presentations and panel discussions.
Contact: NCLR Headquarters Office, Raul Yzaguirre Building, 1126 16th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036; 202-785-1670; www.nclr.org.
LABOR - The Eastern Conference For Workplace Democracy: Growing Our Cooperatives, Growing Our Communities, will be held at Drexel University in Philadelphia, PA, July 26-28.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://east.usworker.coop/.
WOMEN/LYNNE STEWART- Radical Women is asking for support letters and cards to be sent to Lynne Stewart. Stewart is a civil rights attorney and political prisoner who is currently in jail. She has breast cancer and authorities have denied her request for transfer from her Texas prison to the New York City hospital where she received medical attention during a prior bout of breast cancer. Send messages and cards to: Lynne Stewart 53504-054, Federal Medical Center Carswell, P.O. Box 27137, Fort Worth, TX 76127.
Contact: 747 Polk Street, San Francisco, CA 94109; 415-864-1278; RadicalWomenUS@gmail.com; http://lynnestewart.org/; http://www.radicalwomen.org/.
HAITI/WOMEN - Haiti’s government is considering a legal reform measure that would prohibit and punish all sexual assault, including marital rape. MADRE and the International Campaign to Stop Rape & Gender Violence in Conflict are launching a petition to raise international support for this push to address violence against women in Haiti.
Contact: 121 West 27th Street, #301, New York, NY 10001; 212-627-0444; email@example.com; http://www.madre.org.
SYRIA/MIDDLE EAST - The Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA) is currently seeking funds to assist more than 200,000 refugees fleeing violence in Syria.
FOLK FESTIVAL - The Falcon Ridge Folk Festival will be held August 2-4, in the Berkshires, NY.
Contact: http://www.falconridgefolk.com/; firstname.lastname@example.org.
WAR RESISTERS - The War Resisters League will hold its 90th anniversary conference, Revolutionary Nonviolence: Building Bridges Across Generations and Communities, August 1-4, at Georgetown University. The event will focus on the U.S.’ long history of antimilitarism.
Contact: 339 Lafayette Street, New York, NY 10012; 212-228-0450; email@example.com; http://www.warresisters.org.
POPULAR ECONOMICS - The Center for Popular Economics is holding its 2013 Summer Institute August 4-9 at Hampshire College in Amherst, MA. No background in economics is needed for this intensive training. This year’s theme is, The Care Economy: Building a Just Economy with a Heart.
Contact: Center for Popular Economics, PO Box 785 Amherst, MA 01004; 413-545-0743; firstname.lastname@example.org; www.populareconomics.org.
VETERANS - Veterans for Peace is holding the 28th annual convention August 6-11 in Madison, WI. This year’s theme is, Power To The Peaceful.
DEMOCRACY - The Democracy Convention will take place August 7-11 in Madison, WI. The convention brings together nine conferences including topics such as media, education, defense, race, environment and others.
MEN - The 38th National Conference on Men & Masculinity: Forging Justice: Creating Safe, Equal and Accountable Communities, presented in partnership with HAVEN, will be held in Detroit, MI, August 8-10.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.nomas.org/.
OCCUPY - An Occupy National Gathering will be held in Kalamazoo, MI, August 21-25.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://occupynationalgathering.net/.
COMMUNITIES - The Communities Conference is a networking and learning opportunity for co-operative or communal lifestyles, with workshops, events and entertainment; scheduled for August 30-September 2 at the Twin Oaks Community in Louisa, Virginia.
LABOR DAY - The 29th annual Bread and Roses Festival, a celebration of the ethnic diversity and labor history of Lawrence, MA, will be held September 2, in honor of the 1912 Bread and Roses Strike. There will be music, dance, poetry, drama, ethnic food, historical demonstrations, walking & trolley tours.
Contact: PO Box 1137, Lawrence, MA 01842; 978-794-1655; http://www.breadandrosesheritage.org/.
OCCUPY WALL STREET - September 17 is the two-year anniversary of the Occupy Wall Street movement. Events are planned in New York City and worldwide.
TEACHERS - The 13th Annual Conference, “Teaching for Social Justice: The Politics of Pedagogy,” will be held October 12 in San Francisco, CA. The free event features workshops, resources, and free childcare.
Contact: 415-676-7844; email@example.com; http://www.t4sj.org/.
HAITI - International Action, which brings clean water and chlorinators to Haiti, seeks office space capable of housing up to six people and their office equipment.
Contact: Zach Bremer, Zbrehmer@haitiwater.org; 202-488-0735; http://www.haitiwater.org/.
MEDIA - The Union for Democratic Communications and Project Censored are sponsoring a joint conference on media democracy, media activism and social justice to be held November 1-3 at the University of San Francisco. Proposals for presentations, workshops and panels from activists and critical scholars are invited.