France: No To Neo-Liberalism

F rance’s recent repudiation of the proposed European Union constitution is a resounding reminder that the populace still possesses the power to defy political elitism with all of its economic dogmas; neo-liberalism being one of them. 

True, there is a prevailing apprehension among the French regarding free market, neo-liberal doctrines, which naturally leads to a decided rejection of corporate globalization altogether, with its undoubted infringement on the political sovereignty, economic independence, and cultural uniqueness of every nation. 

But one must also be reminded that it was France that earnestly promoted some form of European unification or another, starting in 1951 with the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community, followed by the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which in turn, evolved into the Maastricht Treaty (formally the Treaty on European Union) in 1992. 

Indeed, France has remained at the forefront of efforts to mold Europe into a truly effective polity. But the May 29, 2005 vote changed much, despite France’s assurances that its commitment to Europe is unmoved. 

Several factors contributed to the growing doubts among the French, which culminated into a solid vote against the constitution—signed by European heads of governments on October 29, 2004—a primary concern being the economics of the matter. On May 1, 2004, ten new members, by and large East European countries, were taken into the European fold. Many of these new members suffered shattered economies and rushed to take advantage of the free flow of labor and other economic perks that accompany EU membership. While the move was good news for large businesses, ever eager to reduce overhead costs by employing cheap laborers with meager benefits and little expectations, it was a blow to an already struggling Western European job market. 

Traditionally, the French economic system has been one of unconcealed governmental protectionism coupled with socialist ideals regarding the welfare of citizenry, leaving a comprehensible mark on various aspects of French life. The unprecedented one-time expansion of the Union and the proposed EU constitution a few months later was a move, as perceived by many, toward unrestrained neo-liberal free market policy, the antithesis of the aspirations of most French. 

But neo-liberalism and globalization not only undercut France’s economic distinctiveness; it also threatened the country’s political prominence and efficacy. 

France has long seen itself as the center of a free and independent Europe. It has labored to demonstrate that Europe is no longer an instrument in the U.S. foreign policy agenda, nor is it a middleperson between the U.S. government and its foes, as Britain’s Tony Blair has supposedly suggested. Thus, French President Jacques Chirac has toiled to achieve, not simply a united Europe, but a self-determining Europe. 

Initially, the Bush administration sought to engineer a rift in the European camp. Its efforts galvanized before and immediately after its invasion of Iraq in March 2003. It envisaged an old Europe and a newer one, with France at the helm of negligible countries, due to their strong anti-war stance. 

But that failed miserably, since France’s position revived confidence in its government. Without question, it was the most critical and far-reaching European stand against U.S. foreign policy since World War II.