History As Mystery

Parenti also discusses in detail the mounting evidence supporting the theory of the acute and fatal arsenic poisoning of U.S. President Zachary Taylor and its contemporary denial and historical implications. Through evidence too complex to address here, Parenti argues that there is much reason to believe that President Taylor, though a southerner and a slaveholder, was assassinated by people sympathetic to Vice President Fillmore's opposing position vis-a-vis the extension of slavery into “the territorial spoils of the imperialist war against Mexico.” Parenti tells this little-known and long-denied historical story with flair. Additionally, Parenti analyzes certain methods of “depoliticizing the political” via psychopolitics and psychohistory and the “re-writing” of history even before it is written, which he refers to as “distortions” or “suppression” at “the point of origin.” In each case, we are shown the uses—and abuses—of history. Fortunately for us, Parenti provides rich analyses of impoverished histories.

Parenti discusses three main types of history: mainstream history, people's history, and real history. Mainstream history is the majority of written history, constructing a particular version of reality from the dominant perspective and reflecting the interests of the elite. “It is the kind of history,” Parenti says, “dished up by textbook authors, mainstream academicians, political leaders, government officials, and news and entertainment media.” Parenti also calls this type of history “orthodox,” “conventional,” and even “ruling-class.”

A second type of history, often called “people's history” or “history from below,” goes beyond ruling-class history by not only giving ordinary people their due for performing “the work of civilization” (as the sociologist Thor- stein Veblen put it), but for also recognizing that those ordinary people are the source for the majority of social advances in society. “To the princes and presidents, plutocrats and prime ministers,” and other political parasites, Parenti exclaims, “we owe the horrors of war and conquest, the technologies of destruction and control, and the rapacious expropriation that has enriched the few and impoverished the many.” Yet, he continues, “it is from the struggles of ordinary populations that gains have been made on behalf of whatever social betterment and democracy we have.”

The third type of history, however, even going beyond people's history, is what Parenti calls “real history.” It is also the type of history that Parenti advocates and practices. “Real history goes the extra step and challenges existing icons, offering interpretations that have a healthy subverting effect on mainstream ideology.” Real history asks more than the who and what, let alone the where and when, and seeks out the why of history. For example, “rather than debating whether it was Christopher Columbus, Lief Ericson, or Amerigo Vespucci who discovered America, real history argues that the Western Hemisphere was not ‘discovered' but forcibly invaded in a series of brutal conquests that brought destruction to millions of indigenous inhabitants and hundreds of cultures. Real history deems the ‘New World' a Eurocentric misnomer.”

Another example could be the slave era. Mainstream history typically rationalizes and sometimes regrets slavery, while people's history tells the stories of the slaves, perhaps letting slaves speak for themselves, and documents resistance to, and uprisings against, slavery by slaves, as well as other abolitionists. In contrast, real history interrogates society by asking why people were owned as slaves and why freed slaves weren't given the political and economic tools (e.g., “forty acres and a mule”) to help them assimilate and succeed in post-slavery society. Likewise, with Parenti's theory of President Taylor's assasssination. In addition to uncovering a wealth of historical evidence, Parenti assesses why people might have wanted the president killed and what “was at stake (i.e., the extension and future of the slave system). Given the dramatic change in policy regarding slavery after Fillmore succeeded Taylor in 1850, the implications of Taylor's assassination could indeed include the U.S. Civil War. As Parenti indicates, there are a myriad of critical whys that need to be asked and answered in history, challenging the gossip, trivia, and prattle all too common in conventional accounts of the “great” people and events of history.

Parenti seeks to “deconstruct some of the filters, to show that much of mainstream “history we are commonly taught, the popular version of events that enjoys maximum circulation, is seriously distorted in ways that serve or certainly reflect dominant socio-economic interests.” Parenti's content is without doubt vital, while his style makes history—whether “ruling-class,” “people's,” or “real”— come alive.                          Z

Dan Brook is a freelance instructor of sociology and a member of the Socialist Review editorial collective in San Francisco. Some of his writings can be found in the American Journal of Economics and Sociology, From the Left, Journal of Political Ecology, Peace Review, Vegetarian Journal, and Z Magazine.