Hunger On The Border

In a Mexican supermarket on the border, how much does milk cost? 

There is a mistaken idea that just because we live in Mexico all the products we buy are cheaper. In reality the basic food we buy is more expensive on the Mexican side. If you go over to the U.S. side, a gallon of milk will cost about $2.50, or 27 Mexican pesos. On our side of the border, in Piedras Negras, it would be 45 pesos or about $4.50—twice as expensive. It’s always the case that in any family two or three people have to work to provide for basic necessities. If there’s just one family member working, other members have to supplement this income by selling things like beauty products. Often people cross the border to sell their blood. 

What are the conditions in the neighborhoods where workers live? 

It really is a shock, even to workers who come up from the countryside because they are used to living in houses that are bigger, that have patios, that have space. When they arrive, they see there are very few options for workers here. Perhaps the lucky ones can acquire a house through the Mexican housing program, INFONAVIT. But if they do so they’re really in debt to the Mexican government for the rest of their lives. Otherwise, workers are forced to build their own houses out of whatever materials they can find, in places that are completely inappropriate—along the sides of cliffs or in areas prone to flooding, like stream beds. 

What about basic services, like sewers, running water and electricity? Are the municipal authorities providing those services? 

In some of the neighborhoods there are such services. For example, in houses built by INFONAVIT, the government provides electricity. The problem there is that the bills are very high. A monthly electricity bill might get up to 450 pesos, or $45, and a water bill 150 pesos per month, or $15. And the water is not drinkable. In other neighborhoods, where people squat and build their houses the best they can, the government doesn’t provide services. People are reduced often to robbing power from electrical lines. When you go into people’s houses, you can see the wires running along the ground where kids are walking and playing. 

Are there unions in the factories? 

On the border you have to understand there are many different situations. In Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez, for example, the most common arrangements are known as protection contracts. These are union contracts that the workers don’t know anything about, but which protect the company instead. In Tamaulipas or Coahuila most of the maquiladoras have unions, but these are called “charro” unions because they are unresponsive and corrupt and don’t support the workers. In Ciudad Acuña, unions are prohibited. 

The Border Committee was very active helping workers at the Alcoa Fujikura plant in Piedras Negras to improve their conditions and form an independent union. What happened to them? 

At Alcoa in Piedras Negras there was a “charro” union there that belonged to the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM). It was not responsive to workers so they tried to take  control of their own collective bargaining in order to improve their salaries and their benefits. These workers won election to leadership positions on the plant level, but then found that everything they tried to do was undone by higher leaders of the union who made secret agreements with the company. 

So they formed an independent union and left the old one. Under Mexican law, they had to get their union registered by the government. They filed the paperwork with the local Conciliation and Arbitration Board, but the agency denied the registration. This case is still not resolved. After appealing within the Mexican legal system, they filed a complaint with the International Labor Organization, accusing the Mexican government of failing to guarantee its citizens the right of freedom of association. 

What happened to the workers involved in that effort? 

Some of the leaders were fired, but others continued organizing. That’s really the key to maintaining a movement with an organized rank-and-file base. When the company fires some leaders, other leaders emerge and keep going. Today there are hundreds of workers involved in this movement. 

The story you’re telling is very similar to many others. At Sony, in Nuevo Laredo, people were beaten up in front of the factory. It happened at Custom and Auto Trim at the Han Young plant in Tijuana, and at the Duro Bag Company in Rio Bravo. But NAFTA had a labor side agreement that was supposed to guarantee labor rights in Mexico so that this wouldn’t take place. What about it? 

The labor side agreement supposedly protects the principle of freedom of association. But complaints are filed and after a long process, the only thing that comes is a recommendation, which never translates into actual enforcement. It’s not an effective guarantee of anyone’s rights. 

Is there any form of labor protection that can be incorporated into agreements like NAFTA that would guarantee workers rights? Or do you think that workers have to guarantee their labor rights in some other way? 

I think both are possible. NAFTA could be renegotiated to include effective and obligatory measures to enforce workers’ rights. Holding transnational corporations accountable for complying with the law would be helpful to workers. At the same time, even if you have such protections as part of trade agreements, organizing workers at the grassroots level, forming workers’ organizations, is vital. Otherwise, we can’t enforce any rights recognized by those agreements. 

What about support from unions on the other side of the border? 

We’ve been creating alliances with some U.S. labor unions because we’re working for the same companies and we need to connect our struggles across the border. At the same time, we want these relationships to respect the autonomy of our organizing style and work. Right now, what’s most important to us is developing a greater level of commitment to Mexican workers among U.S. unions. 

What about the Mexican labor movement? Is it going to become more effective and responsive to border workers? 

I think so. Ultimately we want an independent labor movement in the maquiladoras. Genuine unionism is the best hope for our families and our future. We’ve been able to build important alliances with other unions and movements within Mexico. We share common objectives with unions like the Authentic Labor Front (FAT), and with the independent union called Alcoa Puebla. This union was formed at the Alcoa factory in Puebla, with the help of the independent union at the Volkswagen plant there. Some groups of miners are part of this network also. We also have an agreement with the National Union of Workers, Mexico’s large, new progressive labor federation. 

What can workers in the U.S. do to be part of this? 

The first thing workers can do is organize and fight for their own jobs where they are. This is the first step towards building international solidarity. For the companies, there are no borders anymore or barriers to the movement of capital. We need to take a lesson from their mentality and build the same borderless solidarity and support for one another. If workers in the U.S. understand that Mexican workers face huge economic difficulties when they try to organize themselves, they can contribute economic support. Mexican organizations don’t have the same capacity as organizations in the United States. 

Supporting Mexican workers in the United States is important too. The effort of Mexican and other immigrant workers to legalize their status is connected to our rights as workers in Mexico. If workers in the U.S. can’t exercise fully their rights, it brings everybody down. Ultimately, the economic level of everybody has to come up. Corporations are very good at looking around the world to see where conditions are the worst and move to that place. If we can help each other come up, they won’t be able to do that.