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In Venezuela the Poor Are Happy and the Rich Are Mad. That Must Mean Something




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Colombian author William Ospina recently wrote a column in the Colombian daily El Espectador in which he expressed a level of appreciation for Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. But what was perhaps more interesting was the kind of response he got for taking what was called a “polemical” position.

Venezuelanalysis translates here an interview of William Ospina by Cecilia Orozco Tascón of El Espectador. We have also translated his original column, which can be read here.

“Chavez will enter into the mythology of popular folklore”: The famous writer William Opina, whose recent column called Hugo Chavez “a great man who has tried to open the way to a little justice in a scandalously unjust continent”, speaks about his polemical position that is contrary to the majority of social institutions in Colombia and Venezuela, at a moment when the leader is fighting for his life.

Cecilia Orozco Tascón: The very political and belligerent nature of your column last Sunday was surprising. Why did you radically change your topic and tone?

William Ospina: I like to write about books, cinema, travel, but I’m also passionate about politics. Every once in a while, when I am interested, I write columns like last Sunday’s where I take a position and I like it to be clear.

Your defense of the Cuban and Venezuelan governments compares their elections with elections in Colombia and suggests that they are perhaps more democratic than here where votes are “bought and herded”. However, you ignore the arguments of those who accuse those regimes of limiting freedoms.

I don’t say that Cuba and Venezuela are necessarily more democratic than Colombia. I say that their electoral victories are always seen as more suspect. And I say that Colombia is not as democratic as they make it sound. That is something we all know here. It is not a discovery of mine. However no one criticizes the governments of Colombia for their precarious democracy like they do everyday with the governments of Cuba and Venezuela. Now, neither in Cuba nor in Venezuela have there been massacres and holocausts in the last thirty years like there have been in Colombia.

You are also critical of a large part of Latin American press which you say “has made a big effort” to make Cuba and Venezuela appear incorrect for taking a position against the United States. Do you think the region’s media have yielded to US interests just like, as you claim, many governments have done?

When I was a boy the radio poured rivers of hate against the Cuban revolution. From the time I was eight years old I remember the same phrase being repeated every day: “Cuba, the pearl of the Antilles, now converted into the red hell of America”. The Cuban project was generous. The United States, with their blockade, prevented this project from spreading, and later they claimed it had failed. Let’s look at the beginning of the Chavez government. They already said the same things about him that they say now long before he was reelected, after one year, after five years, after seven years. And many of the criticisms have been classist and racist. Now, I don’t think the media systematically conspires, but I think there are informative inertias and prejudices that are perpetuated, and not all media outlets are temples of democracy.

To say that Chavez is “a great man who has loved his country” is perhaps a statement inspired by the fact that he is currently fighting for his life?

You don’t need to love or admire Chavez to accept that he is a great man: the whole world is paying attention to his life and death. And with respect to how much he has loved his country, you can feel it. It would be absurd to say this only because he is sick. I say it because I can see it. And that doesn’t mean that everything that he does is correct. I’m not saying we should make him the pope.

But you admit that your column praises him without making any criticisms.

It’s not about praising him but rather recognizing the value of his policies in general. Nor is it an analysis of the accomplishments of his government. I can summarize what I said in the column like this: Venezuela is the only country in the Latin America where the poor are happy and the rich are angry. That must mean something.

To justify the reelection of Chavez you assure that “in Colombia we have been reelecting the same person with the same policies, but with different faces, for two hundred years. The only one who was a little different was Álvaro Uribe, only because he was a little worse.” Uribe, who you criticize, got himself reelected once, and Chavez three times. How do you explain this apparent contradiction?

I think in that statement I was a little unfair to Uribe. The reality is that in Colombia there have been several people who have been worse. And Uribe did do some useful things. Although many of my friends on the left hate him and do not recognize any good things, the country was worse when Uribe came to power. Why deny that he brought peace to some sectors of society and some regions? We know that he did not always do it in a clean way, and the way he acts worries me. He was handed a country with an internal war and he almost gave it back with three external wars. He said he didn’t have enough time. But I should be clear: I am not against the principle of reelection. I didn’t support Uribe, but I thought it was logical for him to be reelected as long as it was done legally. Chavez has been in power for thirteen years in Venezuela, always elected by the people. That doesn’t seem like an atrocity to me.

You assured that “perhaps we will have the opportunity to see Chavez go from history to popular mythology.” Is that a literary exaggeration or a political reality?

All mythology is, in some way, a literary exaggeration. I am not making Chavez into a myth, the Venezuelan people are. The same day that my column was published, the Spanish newspaper El Pais had a headline that said “The Myth of Chavez Fills His Absence”. To say that someone is entering the humble, colorful, inspiring popular mythology of Latin America does not mean you are praising or criticizing, exonerating or condemning. It just means you are recognizing their presence and importance in our collective imagination. I mentioned Eva Perón, Pedro Páramo, Frida Kahlo. Chavez does not belong to the comic books, but rather to Latin American history, and when he dies he could enter the mythology of popular folklore with people like José Gregorio Hernándes, with Santa Muerte, with Che Guevara, with José Alfredo Jiménez. A popular folklore that people like Uribe, Menem, or any given business leader will never enter.

Are you aware of the reaction that your position could create in a country like Colombia that is full of Venezuelans who felt obligated to leave their country because of what they consider to be abuses of the Chavez government?

I wasn’t aware that Colombia is full of Venezuelans. What I did know, on the other hand, is that Venezuela has been full of Colombians for many years. I don’t think they are kicking out Venezuelans. I know many people there, intellectuals, artists, business owners who are for and against the government, because every government has its supporters and detractors. Here it is common to be against Chavez, and so it seen as scandalous to have respect for that political process. There are people who tell me that I am brave for saying that it is interesting and that I have respect for it. It’s as if in Colombia one is obligated to be against Chavez. There is a lot of polarization in Venezuela, but not the kind of political violence we often have in Colombia.

Would you prefer the type of government they have in Cuba or in Venezuela in Colombia?

I think Cuba has tried to find its way although it has been difficult. Venezuela has done the same but none of those will work for Colombia who has to find its own way. For that reason we have to make an effort to reflect on our history and culture in order to construct a happier and less divided society. I don’t know if they are governing well or not in Venezuela. I know the people are with Chavez, and that, in a continent that is so cruel to the poor, is noteworthy.

You are definitely an adherent of the ideology of Chavez…

I don’t have an ideology. I believe in the basic justice of supporting the most humble. Rich people can fend for themselves, they know how to do it, and they know how to sound the alarms when they are being attacked. Colombia, on the other hand, is an endless pit of suffering for those who are not able to make their voices heard. We know much more about what happens to the rich than what happens to the poor.

Citing from your column: “The United States governments that bought Florida, robbed Mexico, seized Puerto Rico and separated Panama, would have annexed the beautiful island of Cuba…”  Are you saying you are anti-American?

The United States amazes me. I have enormous appreciation for their literature, their arts, and I know their history to some extent. It is a great country, but its government is another thing. No one can say that I am lying or even exaggerating: they bought Florida, they stole Mexico, they took over Puerto Rico and they annexed Panama. This is an incomplete list. To say the truth doesn’t mean there is hate. Hate is a sentiment and what I am saying is a list of facts that the whole world knows. If we want to talk about positive things we can also do that: they helped Europe eliminate the Nazis, the US is the homeland of Poe, of Faulkner, of Franklin and of Steve Jobs.

In any case, you say that “The best way to admire, respect and honor the United States is to fear them, and not be misled about them. To them we are another world: primary resources, natural jungle, immigrants…”  Is that not more of an extremist political position than that of an intellectual?

It is not extremist to have fear. It is a matter of sensitivity. I respect them and honor them. I have written about Whitman, about Eliot, about Emily Dickinson. A little while ago I published in this paper a story about the death of Ray Bradbury. And to me few things are more beautiful than a Buick from the 1950s. But one thing is their admirable culture, and another thing is their crazy foreign policy.

Your ideological position, morally impeccable, is on the other hand debatable because of the consequences that a revolution like that of Chavez can have. Many Venezuelans who have left their country say that they were expelled. Do you think they deserved that simply because they were wealthy?

I believe in the possibility of constructing a more equitable society, and I understand that there must be many people who feel hurt by the structural changes that Venezuela has gone through.

Given that you are one of the most well known writers of the generation that followed [celebrated Colombian writer] Gabriel García Márquez and others of the Latin American “boom” that supported Castro, would you not be a part of the 21st Century if you represented a more moderate and modern left?

I admire some things about Fidel Castro, but I’m not interested in being his follower. Nor am I interested in being a follower of Chavez. When I disagreed with what [Chavez] was doing I did not hesitate to write him a public letter that is still circulating on the internet. Now, who decides who belongs to the 21st century and who doesn’t? This talk of a moderate and modern left sounds elegant and decorative. I’d prefer to belong to the radicals of the 19th century before being a softy of the 21st century.

Do you think the symbols of this century are more superficial and less respectable than those of before?

No. I think this century has new challenges and they cannot be compared with those of the past. For example, I see many limitations in the old Marxism. This is an era when we have to think about protecting the planet, natural resources, and conservation of our water, air, jungles, etc. Among our new challenges are also the struggle for love and solidarity, but they are just as flawed as before.

Other writers and award-winning authors that once admired Fidel Castro but later regretted it call those who surround Castro “the useful idiots of communism”. What do you think of this remark, and those who say it?

I usually don’t make insults. Respecting your adversaries strengthens your own opinions, while those who put down their adversaries weaken the importance of their own opinion. What would it matter to be right against a bunch of fools? It is better to be right against people who are serious and brilliant, but mistaken.

Have you been criticized, insulted, or threatened due to your column?

I have very good readers. When they do not agree they make fun of me, sometimes they embarrass me, but they have never threatened me.

On the internet, in the comments sections of newspapers, many people are aggressive and make insults when they do not agree with the opinion of the writer. What was the reaction to your column “At Mythology’s Door”?

There were some positive opinions, some very worthwhile in which some readers said that they did not share my opinion but that my comments made them think about the topic. In general I have never had the feeling that my articles produce insults. Of course, there are always some loud comments but usually the messages are quite thoughtful.

Have you met Hugo Chavez personally? How many times and why?

I saw him once from a distance when he was giving a speech. I don’t know him personally and I have never spoken with him. I am timid, and people who are so efficient and active are a little overwhelming for me. I remember when in 2009 people here were saying that I had been in Venezuela debating with Mario Vargas Llosa, defending Chavez. I have never debated with Vargas Llosa, although I would like to. I think that rumor was made up by Teodoro Petkoff, perhaps due to some misunderstanding. I was in Switzerland working on a play with Omar Porras and after that I travelled to Spain to present my novel “El País de la Canela”. That’s when I was surprised with the news that I had been chosen for the Rómulo Gallegos award. But not even on that occasion did I meet Chavez. 

585425

Killed in Clashes at a Venezuelan Prison

By Tatsuo, Miyachi at Jan 27, 2013 09:04 AM

Dozens Killed in Clashes at a Venezuelan Prison

By WILLIAM NEUMAN and GIRISH GUPTA

CARACAS, Venezuela — Dozens of people have been killed in fierce clashes between inmates and National Guard soldiers at a Venezuelan prison, local news media accounts said Saturday.

It was the latest in a series of riots over the past year in overcrowded prisons, where guns and drugs abound and inmates control many aspects of life.

Newspapers initially reported that more than 50 people had been killed at the Uribana prison in Barquisimeto, a northwestern city, citing the director of a hospital where the wounded and the dead were taken. Later Saturday, the director, Ruy Medina, said that the number of dead had risen to 61, and that 120 people had been injured, The Associated Press reported. He said nearly all the wounds were from gunshots.

The minister of prisons, Iris Varela, said the violence broke out Friday when troops entered the prison to search for weapons and establish order.

The situation remained chaotic on Saturday. Local news media reports said that most of the dead were prisoners.

“We are all afraid because we don’t want to die,” said a man who identified himself as an inmate inside the prison when reached Saturday by cellphone; it is typical for inmates here to have phones.

The 27-year-old inmate, imprisoned on a robbery charge, asked not to be identified for fear that speaking out could put him at risk. He said that many of the inmates remained inside the prison, although the dead and badly wounded had been removed.

“We are hiding here, waiting to find out what happens to us, for them to help us,” he said.

The prison violence poses a new test for the government as President Hugo Chávez remains in Cuba, where he has been for more than six weeks undergoing treatment for cancer. Top officials have been trying to show that the government is running smoothly, even as they grapple with uncertainty about the president’s health, a constitutional dispute over the start of his new term, shortages of basic goods and signs of resurgent inflation.

“There was a tragic situation of confusion that we lament very much,” Vice President Nicolás Maduro said Saturday, promising an investigation. He spoke after returning from Cuba, where he had gone to visit Mr. Chávez.

Ms. Varela said that officials decided to conduct the raid after receiving information that violence had increased between inmate factions vying for control.

But she said that word of the operation leaked out and that it was reported by a television station, a local newspaper and social networking sites.

Ms. Varela called the reports “a detonator of the violence.” She said that the dead had wounds from knives, firearms and explosives, and that some were killed before the troops arrived.

The Venezuelan Prison Observatory, a human rights group, said 560 prisoners were killed in the nation’s prisons in 2011.

Last year, two major episodes left dozens dead: 25 people were killed at one prison, the government said, and 30 died in another, the Prison Observatory said.

Outside the Barquisimeto prison and a hospital on Saturday, hundreds of people, mostly inmates’ relatives, waited for news.

“This happens all the time and nothing changes,” said Yolanda Rodríguez, 57, who was waiting for information about her 24-year-old son, an inmate. “We know nothing about what’s happening inside.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/27/world/americas/dozens-killed-in-clashes-at-a-venezuelan-prison.html?ref=americas

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585425

The Chávez Constitutional

By Tatsuo, Miyachi at Jan 27, 2013 09:03 AM

The Chávez Constitutional

By FRANCISCO TORO

It's been two weeks now since Venezuela's telecom regulator served a cease-and-desist order on Venezuela's last free-to-air opposition broadcaster, Globovision. Some recent content, the station was told, broke the law by "inciting hate, panic or disturbing public order."

What did the offending footage contain? A call to rebellion? No, just the text of Article 231 of the Venezuelan Constitution.

The specifics of the dispute concern the ailing president's bizarre in absentia inauguration. The government, to finesse the crude problem of Hugo Chávez's being bed-ridden in Cuba, has interpreted the Constitution's clauses about the oath of office so as to allow Chávez to be sworn in whenever he feels better, rather than on Jan. 10, as specified in Article 231 of the Constitution.

Globovision's clips called attention to this by simply broadcasting video footage of high-ranking officials mouthing the government's position juxtaposed with the relevant text of the Constitution - which, lest we forget, was drafted under Chávez's government, by his supporters, with his wholehearted support.

Broadcasting this clip, or any message that might be similar, we're now told, incites hatred, and so it must be censored.

It matters little that Chávez's own Constitution also bans government censorship of the media: See Article 58. I would've given anything to see Globovision run a second series of clips quoting Article 58, but the station probably figured it would get slammed again for inciting hate or panic or disturbing the public order.

I've been watching the politics of the Chávez era minutely, day by day, for 14 years now. You'd think my capacity for surprise would be pretty well tapped out at this point. Yet even now it takes my breath away that Chávismo can contrive shenanigans like this - so absurd, so baroque.

This highlights that the rule of law in Venezuela has totally collapsed. It's a collapse so all-embracing that Venezuela's satirists are at a loss: When it comes to writing storylines that capture the government's insanity, there's simply no topping the government itself.

http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/01/24/when-the-venezuelan-government-bans-broadcasts-of-its-own-constitution/?smid=fb-share

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