Kahlil Gibran, Spirits Rebellious
| Book: Spirits Rebellious | |
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ZNet Book Page Publisher: The Philosophical Library, New York
Pages: 120
Year: 1947
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“When first published in the original Arabic, this book aroused considerable agitation and intrigue. It was burned publicly in the Beirut market place by furious church and state officials, who denounced it as poisonous and dangerous to the peace of the country. Gibran himself was exiled. But this was at a time when Lebanon was in virtual slavery to oppressive Turkish rule. Years later his exile was remanded, and the church embraced him without conciliation on his part. Yet the record remains as Gibran wrote it here: his profoundly felt anger and indignant protest at the vicious inequality of man and woman in marriage – the wretched failure of the principles of the law and justice – and the corrupt, thieving practices of religious administration in the Near East [sic] of his time.” – From the dusk jacket of the book.
This rather short offering from Gibran is divided into three sections, each of with dealing with a corresponding theme. The first, Madame Rose Hanie, deals with the nature of the relations between a man and woman. The second, The Cry of the Graves, examines the nature and subjectiveness of earthly justice. The third and by far the lengthiest, Kahlil the Heretic, expands on the themes developed in the previous parts and ties them into the socio-politico-religious fabric that makes up an oppressive society. The themes transcend the time and place - early twentieth-century Lebanon – and take on a universal importance and resonance. Key to Gibran’s understanding of justice is Law, which can in turn be divided into its dialectical opposites of human and natural law.
Human law is that which has been constructed over time by the dictates of society and religion for the supposed harmonious order that it creates and ensures. For Gibran this is more than just a hypocritical notion, it is a deceiving one as well. Human law in most cases serves only to protect the interests of the powerful against the defenseless, to enforce the structure of classes based on the exploitation of the people. Whether it is the dominance of man over woman within the structure of marriage, the judgment arbitrarily meted out to the meek by those above judgment themselves, or the brutal force that is necessary to create the division between the rulers and the ruled; human law is inherently geared to foster injustice while it claims just the opposite.
Juxtaposed to this is Gibran’s concept of natural law, namely that which disregards the mores of society and aspires to reach a true justice for all. For how can something be illegal, asks Gibran, if it is inspired by the heart and seeks to address the real grievances of human existence? To steal a bushel of wheat from a rich landlord who has deprived you of work to feed you starving family, to seek the a love that was denied you by the confinement of unloving marriage, to speak to gospel of Jesus to those who abuse his name and tarnish his legacy; are these not acting according to a higher natural law regardless of which human law they contravene? To deprive another human of Life and mete out Death due to the dictates of the laws of society is but an abomination of the true natural law, yet these are exactly the circumstances that we find ourselves under again and again. It is only through adhering to natural law and by speaking this truth to others that there is any hope of escaping the chains of bondage imposed by the ossified codes of class society.
Gibran makes a characteristically eloquent appeal to all of us to see beyond the petty and often unjust laws that humans have created for one another. His spirit rebels at the chasm created between what he perceives to be the natural order of things as instigated by God and artificial and oppressive order created by humans to attain control over one another. It is only by seeing the truth in the oppression all around us that we have any hopes of transcending it. We as humans will never be truly free until we recognize Law for what it is and until we do we will be bound under the exploitation and oppression of the few over the many.




Thanks for reminding us all that
By Alevizos, Ioannis at Nov 01, 2009 21:54 PM
“Pity the nation that is full of beliefs and empty of religion. Pity the nation that wears a cloth it does not weave, eats a bread it does not harvest, and drinks a wine that flows not from its own wine-press. Pity the nation that acclaims the bully as hero, and that deems the glittering conqueror bountiful. Pity a nation that despises a passion in its dream, yet submits in its awakening. Pity the nation that raises not its voice save when it walks in a funeral, boasts not except among its ruins, and will rebel not save when its neck is laid between the sword and the block. Pity the nation whose statesman is a fox, whose philosopher is a juggler, and whose art is the art of patching and mimicking. Pity the nation that welcomes its new ruler with trumpeting, and farewells him with hooting, only to welcome another with trumpeting again. Pity the nation whose sages are dumb with years and whose strong men are yet in the cradle. Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation.”
Kahlil Gibran
(Senate Remarks in March, 2003)
“I believe in this beautiful country. I have studied its roots and gloried in the wisdom of its magnificent Constitution. I have marvelled at the wisdom of its founders and framers. Generation after generation of Americans has understood the lofty ideals that underlie our great Republic. I have been inspired by the story of their sacrifice and their strength. But, today I weep for my country. I have watched the events of recent months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image ofAmerica one of strong, yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of America has changed. Around the globe, our friends mistrust us, our word is disputed, our intentions are questioned. Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam Hussein, we seem to have isolated ourselves. We proclaim a new doctrine of pre-emption which is understood by few and feared by many. We say that the United States has the right to turn its firepower on any corner of the globe which might be suspect in the war on terrorism. We assert that right without the sanction of any international body. As a result, the world has become a much more dangerous place…”
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