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Neo-Liberal Nicaragua is a Neo-Banana Republic
W hen U.S.-backed candidate Violeta Chamorro won the most observed election ever in Nicaragua in 1990, she promised Nicaraguans that U.S. government aid would quickly put the country back on its feet. After a decade of war, exhausted Nicaraguans took Chamorro at her word. However, U.S. aid currently averages around $38 million a year—a trickle by any standard. Always among the poorest countries in the region, the war and its aftermath have left Nicaragua the second poorest country in the hemisphere after Haiti. Nicaragua has taken 20 years to recover output levels it attained in 1982.
Nicaragua has been a hapless guinea pig for a neo-liberal and neo-conservative experiment—if one can call it that. The neo-liberal treatment is better described as “misery by design” and the neoconservative penchant for democracy has meant corrupt and inept governments installed by means of rigged elections in which U.S. government representatives have actively campaigned for their preferred candidate. An observer may conclude that the U.S. is still punishing Nicaragua for having attempted to obtain its independence and exercise its right to self-determination. One wonders how much longer this torture will continue.
Nicaragua’s economy has always depended on agriculture. But, whereas the U.S. subsidizes its farmers at record levels, the doctrine imposed on Nicaragua has been rigidly “free market.” Predictably, Nicaragua’s agriculture is in crisis. The extensive network of cooperatives built up prior to 1990 has fallen apart, unable to compete through lack of access to credit, spiraling costs, and stagnant or falling prices. Government policy, while not openly attacking agricultural cooperatives, has been deliberately unhelpful.
Until 2000, coffee had been Nicaragua’s main foreign exchange earner and it had a long history since the 1870s. After years of the World Bank pushing countries (especially Vietnam) to plant this cash crop, the coffee sector in Nicaragua, as elsewhere, has collapsed. The resulting migration from the land has exacerbated all of Nicaragua’s serious social problems, compounding the economic crisis that is affecting the whole region. Last year, hundreds of destitute families camped out for months on the roads leading to the coffee growing areas, pleading for work. Television showed pictures of children in Matagalpa, the coffee capital, with levels of starvation usually associated with Africa.
This month the Nicaraguan Institute of Statistics and Census announced that 30 percent of people in the Matagalpa suffer malnutrition. Marching from Matagalpa to the capital Managua to demand assistance agreed between the government and the rural workers—promises the government has not kept—are 5,000 rural workers and their families. CENIDH, the national human rights organization, has confirmed that nine people have died of hunger on the march so far, including several children.
The problems of the rural economy worsened through the 1990s with the unraveling of the radical land reforms carried out under the Sandinista government of the 1980s. Former supporters of the Somoza dictatorship, as well as people with legitimate claims, appeared to reclaim land for which many of them had already been compensated, in some cases more than once. Many of them had racked up huge debts against property before fleeing the country with the proceeds in 1979. The Sandinista government failed to issue solid legal land titles for most of the properties they distributed, leaving the way open for dispossession and eviction of thousands of families and cooperative members under the Violeta Chamorro government and her successors.
Even former Contra fighters who took up arms against the Sandinistas in the 1980s remain disgruntled. Their leaders faced tough negotiations to get any compensation for their supporters. Confronting the very politicians who urged them to go to war in the 1980s, they often resorted to armed force to occupy land. So disenchanted are these former Contras—now referred to as the ex-Resistencia—they have joined their old enemies, the Sandinistas, in a political alliance known as the National Convergence. Politicians of all parties agree that the last few years have exacerbated the economic crisis with no progress in sight.
U .S. government and World Bank officials have praised recent anti-corruption measures in Nicaragua. But their espousal of neo-liberal economic measures, like privatization and government cutbacks, actually promoted corruption in the first place. The IMF has prompted wage reductions in the public sector of 44 percent since 1990. This impoverishment has further increased the incidence of petty corruption.
To bear that out, pay a visit to the local Public Registry office. Want a certificate that your property is free of any lien so you can get credit at the bank? Ten dollars—no question asked—yields a preferential procedure and a certificate is produced instantly. Non-financially assisted “normal” service will take much longer.
Thirty dollars and a quiet word to the relevant official can readily improve problematic exam results. Fifty dollars and a persuasive conversation with the judge will help resolve a tricky lawsuit, especially in remote rural areas. Stopped for a traffic violation? To avert a heavy fine, take the two officers (there are almost always two) to their nearest friendly Coca Cola stall, buy two expensive sodas, and the friendly person at the bar will pay her two uniformed clients later.
An anti-corruption drive, headed by someone like current President Enrique Bolaños, is unlikely to root out systemic corruption. He was vice-president for five years under President Arnoldo Aleman—known popularly as “Gordoman” (Super Fatman)—now under arrest for defrauding the country of hundreds of millions of dollars. Recent testimony by disgraced former Treasury Minister Byron Jerez directly implicates close relatives of Bolaños in Gordoman’s ransacking of the treasury.
In February 2003, in a regional seminar on corruption, U.S. Ambassador Barbara Moore said, “It is very appropriate that we are meeting in Nicaragua which has been in the front line of the struggle against corruption under the leadership of President Bolaños.” Setting the tone of his anti-corruption government, President Bolaños draws a lifetime pension as a former vice-president, as well as his salary as current president. When he was questioned about this on television recently, he replied: “It’s legal, isn’t it?”
Bolaños was installed as president in 2001 with helpful U.S. electoral high tech manipulation, just as Arnoldo Aleman had been eased in before him in 1995. Opposition vice-presidential candidate leader Agustín Jarquin related how the then U.S. Ambassador Oliver Garza arrived at the electoral count center in the small hours of election night demanding that the count be restarted with new U.S. embassy-approved personnel. Election officials tamely submitted to Garza’s demands. The count developed into a marathon. Despite a large back room computer staff, the electoral authority took weeks to confirm all the results against a background of acrimonious political wrangling. It is possible Garza was confused—maybe he thought he was in Florida.
Perhaps this is an example of what former U.S. Ambassador Lino Gutierrez meant when he told the Managua American Chamber of Commerce in June 2001: “Certainly we ought to celebrate the fact that 34 of the 35 governments in our hemisphere came to power through the ballot box. But we have all learnt that democracy is much more than holding free and fair elections.”
One trend the neo-liberals should approve is the way the Nicaraguan Army has become a major player in the economy. After three major bank failures over the past two years, the banking regulatory body was looking hard at Banco de Finanzas, in which the army has a large interest. The regulators soon backed off, perhaps because former Army chief, Humberto Ortega, is an important regional investor inside and outside Nicaragua. Although not as powerful as the army in Guatemala, the enterprising Nicaraguan army has followed its counterparts in Honduras and El Salvador in consolidating a shady and powerful military- business elite.
Neo-Business As Usual
S ince 1990, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have worked to open up markets (of course, it is always referred to as freeing the markets) and cut back government expenditures. Privatization is a key part of this program. Over 300 small state enterprises were privatized between 1990 and 1995, but it has taken longer to bring the big state utilities—power, communications, and water—to the market. Under cover of the unconvincing measures to improve efficiency, neo-liberals hoped to hoodwink people in Nicaragua into accepting the privatization of the water utility. Anxious to force the issue, the IMF tried to impose this as a condition for a loan earlier this year. However, legislators defeated the proposal when it came up for approval in the National Assembly. The measure has been shelved for the moment.
Nicaragua has already privatized its telephone utility, creating a monopoly of landline phones. It did the same with electricity distribution, sold to a Spanish multinational, Union Fenosa. Consequently, stories of over-charging abound, such as the woman tortilla maker living in a shack with just a small television and a couple of light bulbs, earning around $28 a month. Accustomed to bills of $3 or $4 a month, she suddenly received one for $200. Forced to pay these exorbitant demands or go without, many Nicaraguan families sink deeper into debt.
Resentment against the price rises is widespread. The price of both water and electricity has increased fivefold since 1990. During the same period, despite a modest increase in the minimum wage in 1997, wages have been virtually frozen while prices for basic items rise relentlessly. The cost of the basic basket of goods for a family of four has doubled since the early 1990s, while over 60 percent of the population makes do with less than $2 a day
Health and education services are impoverished and the government can barely provide even the most basic facilities and services. For the huge numbers out of work, health services might as well not exist at all. What use is a prescription for $10 of medicine to someone with an income of $28 a month? Hospitals depend on donations from individuals and foreign charities even for the most basic equipment—a nebulizer, a dialysis machine.
Nicaragua is unable to educate the people it needs to develop its economic potential. Over 40 percent of the school age population fails to attend classes. Nineteen-year-old Gabriela Garcia has almost finished a degree in Information Systems Engineering at her local university in the capital, Managua. Her mother is a nurse earning around $55 a month. Gabriela was brought up in her grandmother’s house where family remittances from relatives overseas helped see her through college. The household includes Gabriela’s pregnant sister, her brother, and two cousins. To complete her degree Gabriela needs $900. She says, “Maybe I’ll get lucky and win the lottery.” For the foreseeable future, her life is on hold. She’s looking for any work she can find to help pay the family’s routine debts. But Gabriela’s lucky to have gotten so far; 65 percent of Nicaraguans starting school never finish their secondary education.
Education initiatives collapse because incompetent, ideologically motivated Education Ministry personnel are incapable of sustaining program agreements from one semester to the next. Off the record, a high-ranking World Bank official will say they would rather cut Nicaragua loose; the government is so inept. They hang in there because an admission of failure would have a very high political price.
The majority of Nicaragua’s economically active people cannot generate enough income to sustain their families. Family remittances from abroad are now Nicaragua’s principal source of foreign exchange. Rural areas suffer depopulation as able-bodied men, women, and children move to the cities and beyond in search of work. Nearly a million Nicaraguans work in Costa Rica, and most do so illegally. In a typical barrio in any city, around 60 percent of people will be out of work. Many people cook every other day in order to save money.
Y Drogas Tambien
D rugs have also become a dominant and unwelcome fact of life in neo-liberal Nicaragua. Bags of crack can be bought on the street for a dollar. Most petty crime is drug related. Drug and solvent abuse have become a way of life for the youths of the widespread and increasingly violent gang culture.
Recently, police chiefs on the Atlantic coast were arrested for involvement in the local drug trade. A police chief in Managua is alleged to have authorized paying informants with bags of drugs. Noting the lack of economic options for survival apart from the drug business, local Atlantic Coast Catholic Bishop Pablo Schmidt, stated: “If you take this away, how are they going to live? This is not an easy problem to solve. And it destroys not only the image of a people, but their culture as well.”
Beside this misery, for over a decade USAID has subsidized agribusiness elites in organizations supposedly promoting market solutions. At the same time, the banking system starves small and medium farmers of credit, stacking the broadly-based domestic agricultural economy in favor of large agribusiness. The clear conclusion is that Nicaragua has been softened up prior to being railroaded into a Central American Free Trade Area (CAFTA) to yield preferential trade advantages for U.S. investors and corporations.
Mario Arana, the Nicaraguan government representative in recent CAFTA negotiations, remarked: “The offer made by the United States to Central America is well below expectations and this is particularly true in the case of Nicaragua.” He added, “I believe that Nicaragua comes out worse than the other countries, because of the nature of its economy, fundamentally agricultural.”
Jose Marin’s story is emblematic. He owned a small holding in the beautiful rural coffee growing area of San Juan del Rio Coco, but he had to sell it to pay off his debts. Now he lives with his family of seven children in a rented shack. He works as a security guard earning $90 a month—and he should consider himself lucky.
Under the former Sandinista government, Jose Marin would have been able to renegotiate his debt with the state-owned National Development Bank, keep his land, and continue producing. A talented young woman like Gabriela Garcia would have finished her education with a grant from the state. Books were subsidized. Health care was free. Prices for basic goods were controlled by the state.
The Sandinistas, who promoted that welfare state model back in the 1980s, continue to emphasize health, education, and support for small and medium agricultural producers, but as part of a market economy. The biggest group in the National Convergence opposition front, the Sandinistas, is still headed by Daniel Ortega who led the opinion polls in the run-up to the last election, despite controversy provoked by sex-abuse allegations from his former step-daughter Zoilamerica Narvaez, a prominent figure in Nicaragua’s women’s movement. Most people believe he will again be the opposition presidential candidate in the next election in 2005.
Despite widespread disenchantment with politicians, Nicaraguan civil society is vibrant and vociferous, a valuable inheritance from the revolution. After a decade of cutbacks in health, education, and social services, community associations and non-governmental organizations have shouldered much of the burden. Their operations are funded overwhelmingly by overseas donations from many aid and development programs offered by foreign governments and aid agencies. To a large degree, government cutbacks and market reforms in Nicaragua, as elsewhere, are only feasible on the back of subsidies from foreign donors. Neo-liberal accounts of international development seldom acknowledge this fact.
The importance of the Nicaraguan experience is that members of the same gang who ran Reagan’s illegal Contra war (Negroponte, Armitage, Abrams, and others) are now prominent players in the Bush Jr. regime. Back then, they lied that Nicaragua threatened U.S. security, just as they have lied about Iraq. A look at contemporary Nicaragua gives some idea of what Iraqis can expect from their U.S. occupiers.
Miguel D’Escoto, who guided the successful Nicaraguan case against the U.S. for terrorism in the International Court of Justice in 1986, wrote last month, “It would be a serious mistake to conclude that the current behavior of the United States represents something temporary that will change when George Bush Jr. leaves the presidency. Never in its history has the United States taken a backward step in its drive towards universal domination and never has it corrected its behavior, going from bad to worse from the point of view of the rights of the rest of humanity.” He writes from experience. In Nicaragua, as elsewhere, no self-determination is tolerated and the U.S. ambassador is the de facto proconsul.
Today’s neo-conservatives pontificate about democracy, freedom, and economic development. One only has to look at Nicaragua to see what this means. From the Nicaraguan perspective, U.S. foreign policy is made up of three main ingredients: hypocrisy, cynicism, and sadism. Nicaraguan society was destroyed by the Reagan and Bush Sr. regimes to make a policy point—countries that diverge from U.S. control will be undermined economically and, if sanctions fail to bring them into line, subjected to military attack.
Fifty thousand people died during the U.S.-instigated Contra war against Nicaragua, ostensibly to put it on the “road to democracy.” In 1987, the International Court of Justice ordered the U.S. government to pay Nicaragua an indemnity of $16 billion in compensation for the losses caused by U.S. terrorism. But the U.S. ignored the ruling and pressured the 1990 Violeta Chamorro government to drop attempts to secure this just restitution. Whereas Israel receives $540 per capita in economic assistance, Nicaragua, one of the poorest countries in the world with a similar size population, receives little more than $7.
The U.S. owes a moral debt to Nicaragua, due to the war it waged against the country, the long-time support for the former dictator Somoza, and the promises made leading up to the 1990 elections. Today, most people in Nicaragua are worse off than they were 20 years ago. The Clinton and Bush Jr. regimes intervened decisively to ensure the elections of Arnoldo Aleman and Enrique Bolaños; one a crook, the other a stooge. Under the aegis of the U.S. and the World Bank, these proxies, and Violeta Chamorro before them, put in place the disastrous policies that have reduced most Nicaraguans to ever-deepening penury. The hopes of the poor majority for a decent life have disappeared. The sign at the end of the neo-liberal route for Nicaragua reads loud and clear: “Dead end. Made in the USA.”
Toni Solo is an activist based in Nicaragua.
Z Magazine Archive
AnnouncementsLABOR - May 1 is May Day. Workers of the world will celebrate the 124th anniversary of International Worker’s Day. Born out of a call for an 8-hour workday in the United States, this day is an opportunity for all workers to show their solidarity with one another, as well as to renew the call for labor rights.
FARM CONFERENCE - The Farm Conference on Community and Sustainability will be held May 24-26 in Summertown, TN, in partnership with the Fellowship of Intentional Communities. Tour green homes, see sustainable food production, learn about solar installations, alternative education, midwifery, and more.
Contact: Douglas@thefarmcommunity.com; http://www.thefarmcommunity.com/.
PALESTINE - The Conference of the Palestinian Shatat in North American will be held June 3-5 in Vancouver. The conference will examine the future of the Palestinian liberation movement.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.palestinianconference.org/.
LABOR - The Pacific Northwest Labor History Association’s 45th annual conference will be held May 3-5, in Portland, OR. This year’s theme is Labor Under Attack: Learning from the Past and Preparing for the Future. A call for presentations, workshops and papers is currently underway.
Contact: PNLHA, 27920 68th Ave. East, Graham, WA 98338; 206-406-2604; PNLHA1@aol.com; http://www3.telus.net.
MARIJUANA - On the first Saturday of May marijuana legalization activists will hold informational and educational events, rallies and marches in over 300 cities around the world.
ECONOMICS - The Union For Radical Political Economics will hold its 39th annual conference May 9-11 in New York City.
RECLAIM THE DREAM - The 2013 Poor People’s Campaign & March from Baltimore to Washington D.C. will be May 11. Communities, schools and unions interested in participating are encouraged to contact the Baltimore People’s Assembly.
Contact: 410-500-2168; 410-218-4835; BaltimorePeoplesAssembly@gmail.com; Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Baltimore and the Baltimore Peoples Power Assembly, 2011 N. Charles St., Baltimore, MD 21218.
MOTHER’S DAY - The 17th Annual Mother’s Day Walk For Peace will be May 12th, in Dorchester, MA. The walk began in 1996 for families who had lost children to violence. The day has become a way for thousands of people to financially support the work of the Louis Brown Peace Institute.
Contact: http://www.ldbpeaceinstitute.org/; http://mothersdaywalk4peace.org/.
NATO 5 - An International Week of Solidarity with the NATO 5 has been called for May 16-21. Supports call on supporters to raise awareness of the NATO 5 and support funds for the defendants on the one-year anniversary of their preemptive arrests.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; https://nato5support.wordpress.com.
MOUNTAINTOP - The 2013 Mountain Justice Summer Activist Training Camp will be held May 19-27 in Damascus, VA. It will be a week of workshops, field trips to view Mountain Top Removal coal mines, direct actions, and service project.
FEMINIST SCI-FI - The feminist science fiction convention WisCon 37 is scheduled for May 24-27 in Madison, WI.
Contact: WisCon, ? SF3, PO Box 1624, Madison, WI 53701; email@example.com; http://www.wiscon.info/.
ANARCHY FEST - A month-long Festival of Anarchy is scheduled for May in Montreal. The festival includes The Montreal Anarchist Bookfair (May 19-20).
Contact: http://www.anarchistbookfair.ca/; http://www.radicalmontreal.com/.
LABOR - The International Labor Rights Forum will present: Down the Supply Chain, Driving Corporate Accountability, on May 22 in Washington, DC. The Labor Rights Awards Ceremony and Reception will honor pioneers in supply chain worker organizing, working solidarity and international labor rights policy.
MULTICULTURE - The 26th annual National Conference on Race & Ethnicity in American Higher Education (NCORE) will take place May 28-June 1, in New Orleans.
Contact: SWCHRS, 3200 Marshall Avenue, Suite 290, Norman, OK 73072; 405-325-3694; firstname.lastname@example.org; www.ncore.ou.edu.
MEDIA - The 2013 Alliance for Community Media Annual Conference will be held May 29-31, in San Francisco, CA. Participants will include educators, community leaders, media professionals, journalists, nonprofit leaders, policymakers and students.
RADIO - The 38th Annual Community Radio Conference is schedule for May 29-June 1, in San Francisco, CA, with discussions and workshops.
Contact: 1101 Pennsylvania Ave. NW, Suite 600, Washington, DC 20004; 202-756-2268; email@example.com; http://www.nfcb.org/.
BRADLEY MANNING - On June 1, a rally will be held at Fort Meade in support of Bradley Manning.
BIKES - Bikes Not Bombs is holding its 24th annual Bike-A-Thon and Green Roots Festival in Boston, MA on June 3, with several bike rides scheduled, music, exhibitors and more.
Contact: Bikes Not Bombs, 284 Amory St., Jamaica Plain, MA 02130; 617-522-0222; firstname.lastname@example.org; www.bikesnotbombs.org.
LEFT FORUM - The 2013 Left Forum will be held June 7-9, at Pace University in New York City.
Contact: 365 Fifth Avenue, CUNY Graduated Center, ? Sociology Dept., New York, NY 10016; http://www.leftforum.org/.
VEGAN FEST - Mad City Vegan Fest will be held in Madison, WI, June 8. The annual event features food, speakers, and exhibitors.
Contact: 122 State Street, Suite 405 B, Madison, WI 53701; email@example.com; http://veganfest.org/.
ADC CONFERENCE - The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) holds its annual conference June 13-16, in Washington, DC, with panel discussions and workshops on civil rights, media and other topics.
Contact: 1990 M Street, Suite 610, Washington, DC, 20036; 202-244-2990; firstname.lastname@example.org http://convention.adc.org/.
CUBA/SOCIALISM - A Cuban-North American Dialog on Socialist Renewal and Global Capitalist Crisis will be held in Havana, Cuba, June 16-30. There will be a 5 day Seminar at University of Havana, plus visits to a cooperative, urban garden, community development project, social research centers, and educational & medical institutions.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.globaljusticecenter.org/.
NETROOTS - The 8th Annual Netroots Nation conference will take place June 20-23 in San Jose, CA. The event features panels, trainings, networking, screenings, and keynotes.
Contact: 164 Robles Way, #276, Vallejo, CA 94591; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.netrootsnation.org/.
MEDIA - The 15th annual Allied Media Conference will be held June 20-23, in Detroit.
Contact: 4126 Third Street, Detroit, MI 48201; http://alliedmedia.org/.
GRASSROOTS - The United We Stand Festival will be hosted by Free & Equal, June 22 in Little Rock, Arkansas. The festival aims to reform the electoral process throughout the U.S.
SOCIALISM - The Socialism 2013 Conference is scheduled for June 27-30 in Chicago, featuring talks and panel discussions.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.socialismconference.org.
LITERACY - The National Association for Media Literacy Education (NAMLE) will hold its conference July 12-13 in Los Angeles under the heading, Intersections: Teaching and Learning Across Media.
Contact: 10 Laurel Hill Drive, Cherry Hill, NJ 08003; http://namle.net/conference/.
IWW - The North American Work People’s College will take place July 12-16 at Mesaba Co-op Park in northern Minnesota. The event will bring together Wobblies from branches across the continent to learn new skills and build One Big Union.
PEACESTOCK - On July 13th, the 11th Annual Peacestock: A Gathering for Peace, will take place at Windbeam Farm in Hager City, WI. The event is a mixture of music, speakers and community for peace. Sponsored by Veterans for Peace.
Contact: Bill Habedank, 1913 Grandview Ave., Red Wing, MN 55066; 651-388-7733; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.peacestockvfp.org.
CHILDREN’S DEFENSE - July 15-19, join clergy, seminarians, Christian educators, young adult leaders and other faith-based advocates for children at CDF Haley Farm in Clinton, Tennessee, for five days of spiritual renewal, networking, movement building workshops, and continuing education about the urgent needs of children at the 19th annual Proctor Institute for Child Advocacy Ministry.
Contact: email@example.com; http://www.childrensdefense.org.
ACTIVIST CAMP - Youth Empowered Action (YEA) Camp will have sessions in July and August in Ben Lomond, CA; Portland, OR; Charlton, MA. YEA Camp is designed for activists 12-17 years old who want to make a difference in the world.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://yeacamp.org/.
LA RAZA - The annual National Council of La Raza (NCLR) Conference is scheduled for July 18-19 in New Orleans, with workshops, presentations and panel discussions.
Contact: NCLR Headquarters Office, Raul Yzaguirre Building, 1126 16th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036; 202-785-1670; www.nclr.org.
LABOR - The Eastern Conference For Workplace Democracy: Growing Our Cooperatives, Growing Our Communities, will be held at Drexel University in Philadelphia, PA, July 26-28.
Contact: email@example.com; http://east.usworker.coop/.
WOMEN/LYNNE STEWART- Radical Women is asking for support letters and cards to be sent to Lynne Stewart. Stewart is a civil rights attorney and political prisoner who is currently in jail. She has breast cancer and authorities have denied her request for transfer from her Texas prison to the New York City hospital where she received medical attention during a prior bout of breast cancer. Send messages and cards to: Lynne Stewart 53504-054, Federal Medical Center Carswell, P.O. Box 27137, Fort Worth, TX 76127.
Contact: 747 Polk Street, San Francisco, CA 94109; 415-864-1278; RadicalWomenUS@gmail.com; http://lynnestewart.org/; http://www.radicalwomen.org/.
HAITI/WOMEN - Haiti’s government is considering a legal reform measure that would prohibit and punish all sexual assault, including marital rape. MADRE and the International Campaign to Stop Rape & Gender Violence in Conflict are launching a petition to raise international support for this push to address violence against women in Haiti.
Contact: 121 West 27th Street, #301, New York, NY 10001; 212-627-0444; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.madre.org.
SYRIA/MIDDLE EAST - The Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA) is currently seeking funds to assist more than 200,000 refugees fleeing violence in Syria.
FOLK FESTIVAL - The Falcon Ridge Folk Festival will be held August 2-4, in the Berkshires, NY.
Contact: http://www.falconridgefolk.com/; email@example.com.
WAR RESISTERS - The War Resisters League will hold its 90th anniversary conference, Revolutionary Nonviolence: Building Bridges Across Generations and Communities, August 1-4, at Georgetown University. The event will focus on the U.S.’ long history of antimilitarism.
Contact: 339 Lafayette Street, New York, NY 10012; 212-228-0450; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.warresisters.org.
POPULAR ECONOMICS - The Center for Popular Economics is holding its 2013 Summer Institute August 4-9 at Hampshire College in Amherst, MA. No background in economics is needed for this intensive training. This year’s theme is, The Care Economy: Building a Just Economy with a Heart.
Contact: Center for Popular Economics, PO Box 785 Amherst, MA 01004; 413-545-0743; email@example.com; www.populareconomics.org.
VETERANS - Veterans for Peace is holding the 28th annual convention August 6-11 in Madison, WI. This year’s theme is, Power To The Peaceful.
DEMOCRACY - The Democracy Convention will take place August 7-11 in Madison, WI. The convention brings together nine conferences including topics such as media, education, defense, race, environment and others.
MEN - The 38th National Conference on Men & Masculinity: Forging Justice: Creating Safe, Equal and Accountable Communities, presented in partnership with HAVEN, will be held in Detroit, MI, August 8-10.
Contact: firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.nomas.org/.
OCCUPY - An Occupy National Gathering will be held in Kalamazoo, MI, August 21-25.
Contact: email@example.com; http://occupynationalgathering.net/.
COMMUNITIES - The Communities Conference is a networking and learning opportunity for co-operative or communal lifestyles, with workshops, events and entertainment; scheduled for August 30-September 2 at the Twin Oaks Community in Louisa, Virginia.
LABOR DAY - The 29th annual Bread and Roses Festival, a celebration of the ethnic diversity and labor history of Lawrence, MA, will be held September 2, in honor of the 1912 Bread and Roses Strike. There will be music, dance, poetry, drama, ethnic food, historical demonstrations, walking & trolley tours.
Contact: PO Box 1137, Lawrence, MA 01842; 978-794-1655; http://www.breadandrosesheritage.org/.
OCCUPY WALL STREET - September 17 is the two-year anniversary of the Occupy Wall Street movement. Events are planned in New York City and worldwide.
TEACHERS - The 13th Annual Conference, “Teaching for Social Justice: The Politics of Pedagogy,” will be held October 12 in San Francisco, CA. The free event features workshops, resources, and free childcare.
Contact: 415-676-7844; firstname.lastname@example.org; http://www.t4sj.org/.
HAITI - International Action, which brings clean water and chlorinators to Haiti, seeks office space capable of housing up to six people and their office equipment.
Contact: Zach Bremer, Zbrehmer@haitiwater.org; 202-488-0735; http://www.haitiwater.org/.
MEDIA - The Union for Democratic Communications and Project Censored are sponsoring a joint conference on media democracy, media activism and social justice to be held November 1-3 at the University of San Francisco. Proposals for presentations, workshops and panels from activists and critical scholars are invited.