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Dan Georgakas

The only constant in American and NATO policy in the Balkans has been the breakup of a socialist, multi-ethnic state into a series of small, capitalist-oriented states based on narrowly defined religious/ethnic identity. Given that pattern, it is not surprising that the mini-states are usually ruled by extremely nationalist parties and that the dissolved Yugoslavia has become a de facto Serbia ruled by its own tyrant. Great power denials to the contrary, the next stage in the Balkan scenario appears to be the creation of a second Albanian state in what is now Kosovo. 

The usual scenario for the establishment of such states is to create conditions “on the ground” that “practical” people ultimately legitimate through international bodies. What this means in Kosovo is a constant demonization of the Serbs (who most certainly are not without guilt) so that a multi-ethnic Kosovo becomes unimaginable. Not widely covered in the American press is that the old Kosovo Liberation Army which was to disarm has reconstituted itself as the Kosovo Protection Corps and the Democratic Party of Kosovo. These groups not only seek to drive out all Serbs from Albanian zones, they appear to have been striking out against other Albanian political forces.

In May, Adan Zerka, a prominent member of the Democratic Reform Party was murdered by coordinated gunfire at his home. In his comments after the murder, party leader Soko Cusa reiterated that his party remains an advocate of a “multi-ethnic Kosovo with equality for all.” In July there was an armed attack on Ramush Haradinaj, a former KLA leader who is now leader of The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, a rival of the Democratic Reform Group.. Haradinaj had to be flown to Germany for treatment.  Under constant pressure are followers of Ibrahim Rugova, long-time advocate of ethnic reconciliation. What is critical in these three cases and others is that NATO forces are either unwilling or unable to offer protection. Arms continue to pass into Kosovo through the Albanian regions of the Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia, and Kosovo increasingly is divided along ethnic lines. If the current dynamic continues, the former KLA will purge the political stage of all opponents and be in a position to declare an independent state.

Like so much of what happens in the Balkans, such an entity is likely to far worsen rather than help to solve problems in the region. At least 30% of the population of neighboring Macedonia is Albanian. This minority is mainly located on the border with Kosovo but extends to the capital Skopjec. Albanians in Macedonia have raised the same issues once raised in Kosovo. Although the central government of Macedonia appears to be making a good faith attempt to function as a multi-ethnic entity, an Albanian Kosovo would certainly feed secession sentiment and bring the viability of Macedonia into question. Should Macedonia crumble, the negative scenarios are too numerous to detail but would involve the possible redrawing of several national borders and the chaos that always creates.

The long-stated claim of the group now leading the Albanian community in Kosovo has been that Kosovo is the true Albanian homeland to which Albanian proper should be attached. Attempts to realize those claims would be certain to rouse the entire region and intensify the already enormous refugee problems in Italy, Greece, Montenegro, and elsewhere. To be sure, all right-wing ethnic movements in the Balkans have maps based on the time their ethnic group was at its maximum power. Unlike most of these groups, however, there appears to be significant momentum to push the Albanian nationalist envelope as fast as possible with either an unwary or compliant NATO taking no actions.

Worse case scenarios, of course, need not emerge. What is so distressing about the Balkans is that the United States appears to recognize only the divisive traditions of the region which are consequently depicted as endemic and intractable. Feeling no solutions are possible, there is no diplomatic will to resist the militarists. But the region has alternative traditions of a cooperative and multi-national nature. Even at the present time, some of the Balkan states have overcome traditional enmities to a remarkable extent.

Rather than nurturing these positive traditions or at least curtailing the most rabid nationalists elements, the United States has repeatedly opted for client right-wing regimes in the same way it opted for the right-wing Latin American dictators throughout the cold war.  Motivated by the desire to minimize Russian influence in the area and to secure desired oil pipeline routes, the US demonizes one group of chauvinists while lauding others as freedom fighters. This policy, similar to that followed in Afghanistan not so long ago, has fueled and perhaps ignited volatile Balkan feuds. The present momentum of events in Kosovo strongly suggests there will be a new round of murderous ethnic conflict, challenged borders,  and hapless refugees.

 

Dan Georgakas teaches international relations courses at New York University.

 

 

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