One of the characteristics of Arab nationalism - epitomized in the official ideology of the Arab League - has been to view the region as exclusively Arab. Obviously, the majority of the population in the arc stretching from Morocco to Kuwait are culturally and linguistically Arab. Yet by calling it "the Arab region," Arab nationalist discourse states not only a demographic fact but also presents a normative entitlement: In the book of mainstream Arab nationalism, there is only one legitimate nation- bearing people in the area - the Arabs. This exclusivist, hegemonic aspect determines much of Arab politics. Hence there is no Arab voice accepting the rights of the Kurds in northern Iraq for self-determination; hence the difficulties of Algeria in accepting the Berbers - and their language - as a legitimate political component of the country; hence the violent opposition to the attempts of the Christian Maronites to mold a slightly different identity for Lebanon; hence the angry response in Egypt when the issue of the Christian Coptic is raised. The Egyptian riposte has consistently been that there are no minorities in Egypt. It is in this context that the deep unwillingness to accept the legitimacy of Israel has to be understood. If any nation in Central or Eastern Europe were to maintain that it has the monopoly of being a Staats-Nation (to use a historically discredited German term), nobody would accept it - and international opinion would, justly, brand it as racist and chauvinistic. This, however, is at the core of the belief system of Arab nationalism. The violence in Sudan - as well as the current violence in Iraq, aimed, among others, also against Kurdish autonomy - is just a more violent expression of the same pernicious thread running though dominant Arab political thinking. No wonder the Arab League, so vociferous on other issues, has been silent. What is happening in Darfur is much worse than what Slobodan Milosevic tried to do to the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Nobody wants to see the international community involved in another humanitarian war in Africa. But the issue in Darfur is not just a need for more or quicker humanitarian aid. It is the consequence of a deep, far-reaching version of ethnocentric Arab nationalism, and it has to be robustly confronted, intellectually and politically, for what it is.

Three previous mortality surveys conducted by the IRC between 2000 and 2002 showed that an estimated 3.3 million people have already died in eastern DR Congo since the outbreak of the war in August 1998. These prior investigations have also revealed the war to be the world's most deadly in the last 50 years. Data from this most recent survey now suggests that the death toll is closer to 3.8 million and that the highest death rates remain concentrated in the unstable, conflict-prone East. The persistently high mortality in DR Congo is deeply disturbing and indicates that both the national and international efforts to address the crisis remain grossly inadequate. Far greater efforts are still required in every aspect of the international response: diplomatic, military/peacekeeping, and humanitarian. ............ [A]nalysis of the data suggests that the reductions in crude mortality are closely associated with reductions in violence and, by extension, improvements in security. ............ All of these trends underscore the association between violence and mortality due to all causes in DR Congo. They also provide compelling evidence that improvements in security represent one of the most effective means to reduce excess mortality in DR Congo. The most obvious inference to be drawn is that a larger, more robust peacekeeping force than the current MONUC contingent of 16,700 is urgently required in order to effectively address the security concerns and associated humanitarian needs in DR Congo. But any additional troops must be better trained, better equipped, have a broader mandate, and be willing to engage more forcefully than existing MONUC personnel. Another key finding of the survey is that the overwhelming majority of deaths were due to preventable causes such as malnutrition and infectious diseases. Some epidemic diseases, like measles, even appear to be on the increase. Moreover, it is young children who are disproportionately affected by these illnesses. Children under the age of five years accounted for more than 45% of all deaths, although they represent only 18.7% of the population. Improving food security and increasing access to essential health services, such as immunizations, clean water, insecticide-treated bednets and case management of common diseases, have the potential to contribute significantly to reductions in excess mortality. The international humanitarian response should emphasize established, cost-effective strategies and interventions related to infectious disease control, child survival and environmental health.

"White House described Darfur as 'genocide' to please Christian right," Anne Penketh, The Indepndent, July 2, 2005 "Darfur - exposing Arab goals for what they are," Shlomo Avineri, Jerusalem Post, August 2, 2004 Mortality in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Results from a Nationwide Survey, Dr. Ben Coghlan et al., Burnet Institute and the International Rescue Committee, December, 2004 (And the accompanying Press Release.) "How Glo-Bono-Phonies and Trojan Horse NGOs Sabotage the Struggle Against Neoliberalism,” Patrick Bond et al., CounterPunch, June 17, 2005 “The first embedded protest: Live 8 and G8 are attempts to hijack justice campaigns,” Kay Summer and Adam Jones, The Guardian, June 18, 2005 "Bards of the Powerful,” George Monbiot, The Guardian, June 21, 2005 "The G-8 Summit: A Fraud and a Circus," John Pilger, New Statesman, June 27, 2005 Crisis in Darfur---Not to Mention the "Left" (Again), ZNet, July 30, 2004 The War on Genocide, ZNet, September 11, 2004 Great White Warrior, ZNet, September 14, 2004 Manufacturing Public Opinion, ZNet, March 7, 2005 "The Secret Genocide Archive", ZNet, March 16, 2005