Road Map To Nowhere
Road Map To Nowhere
This is the final chapter of Road Map to Nowhere â€“ Israel/Palestine since 2003 To appear in July 2006 with Verso.
The Struggle: Expanding the Prison Cells
Right from the very beginning of
But by 2003 there was a feeling, especially among the new, young generation of Israeli activists that joined the anti-occupation struggle during the intifada, that these acts of solidarity were not sufficient. While they were of crucial importance in building the anti-occupation movement and directing Israeli attention to the realities of the occupation, they did not develop into a joint Israeli-Palestinian political struggle, led by the Palestinians themselves. By the end of 2002, the construction of the
At the same time, however, another model of support for the Palestinian struggle had been developing in the
A handful of young Israeli activists decided to join the ISM individually, often without exposing their identity as Israelis. In 2002, they started traveling in all areas of the
In early 2003, on the eve of the
At the beginning of March 2003, a Palestinian Emergency Committee (PEC), was formed, comprising NGOs and human rights groups. It extended a call to the Israeli anti-occupation forces to stand together and to plan shared acts of protection. In response, representatives of 16 Israeli anti-occupation groups met in Tel Aviv on March 12, and a week later there was a joint meeting with the PEC. Of the many initiatives agreed on, I will follow here just one, which pertains to the future development of the joint Palestinian/Israeli struggle against the wall. In fact, following the meeting, there was some debate in the Israeli anti-occupation camp which is important to pay attention to precisely because it regarded the very definition and concept of a Palestinian-led joint struggle. The debate took place in e-mails to the mailing list of the Coalition of Women for Just Peace (CWJP), where many of the other anti-occupation groups are also represented. Since this was a closed mailing list exchange, I will omit the names of the participants, but I can disclose that I identify with A.
A few days after the Tel Aviv meeting, the coordinator of the CWJP list sent a message: â€œWe have a request from Ta'ayush: Is the Coalition willing to donate money for food to the Palestinians in the territories?...â€. This solicited the following response from A.
Fri, 21 Mar 2003 18:49:54 +0100
Subject: Re: [CWJP] funding for food?
...I attended the meeting of March 12 of all anti-occupation organizations at Gush Shalom's office. This was a response to the appeal by the Palestinian Emergency Committee to the Israeli organizations. Y.H. presented the summary of a previous meeting with the committee, and the "list" of their requests from us. One very explicit thing they said is that at the present emergency stage, they don't need food. They prepared for the emergency locally, and they feel this front is covered. What they need from us is political support. A request they attached much importance to was that there would be also Israelis among the international solidarity people in the territories, particularly in this dangerous period.
I believe there is a deeper reason for their request for us not to focus now on food, a reason which I deeply share. If we continue to focus on food donations, this suggests that our responsibility to what is going on is that of a charity organization... (Of course I don't mean to imply that people should not donate - only that we shouldn't feel we are doing any form of struggle this way)... The challenge the Palestinian Emergency Committee posed to us is a real one. Being present in towns and villages which face most danger at this time is taking real responsibility. It is difficult, even dangerous. Obviously the army is trying to intimidate the international solidarity people, with Rachel Corrie dead, and Eric Hawanith, 21, from
Through the responses and discussion that followed, it became apparent that there were two fundamental questions on which the participants could not achieve consensus. One concerned whether food convoys were still a meaningful form of struggle at the time. The other was the concept of the joint struggle, with A representing the position that it should be the Palestinians who lead the struggle and propose its focus and strategies. The following reply from a member of Taâ€™ayush addressed the first question, explaining the importance of maintaining the food convoys:
Date: Sat, 22 Mar 2003 23:01:39 +0200
To: "Coalition of Women for a Just Peace"
Subject: A's email
I must disagree with A.
First the facts. According to the World Bank the effects of the siege are stupendous. Twenty-seven months after the outbreak of the intifada, 60 percent of the population of the
As to politics. I share with A. her fear that Israeli activists will underplay the politics of resistance and underscore in its stead a humanitarian approach. But this again is not the case regarding the food campaign.
In South Hebron, for example, one of the locations to which we delivered food this week the local population is fighting daily with their teeth to hold on to the land, despite the harassment, constant intimidation and violence of the settlers and Israeli military. The food supply and solidarity visit we held there earlier this week is crucial for their struggle, which is actually our struggle. Indeed, the food supply is meant to strengthen the Tzumud [sticking to the land] of the Palestinians, who are fighting against all odds, trying to hang on while Sharon and the Israeli government constantly and systematically destroy their infrastructure of existence.
Second, the activities Ta'ayush organizes, including the food campaign, manage to do a few other things. First, by going to closed military areas we break the military siege, the political, physical, and psychological barriers that are at the basis of
Third, the food campaign is used to mobilize the Israeli and international public, by exposing once again the oppression and subjugation of the Palestinian people. In and of itself the exposure of the dire poverty in the occupied territories, particularly during a period in which the media cares about nothing but the war against
The discussion continued, with most participants siding with B and adding further arguments as to the importance of food convoys. No one doubted the importance of humanitarian work and aid to suffering people. However, Aâ€™s perspective was that such aid cannot replace political struggle. Focusing on just a battle for the survival of the oppressed means, indirectly, accepting that the situation cannot be reversed. Where hope lies is in the next phase of resistance and struggle. In any case, the crucial factor at the time was that the initiative to shift the focus away from aid and solidarity work came from the Palestinians. This second question, on the meaning of a joint struggle, was largely ignored in the discussion. A replied to B and others:
Date: Sun, 23 Mar 2003 20:00:12 +0100
Subject: [CWJP] Facing the Palestinian emergency appeal
Trying to figure out the way the discussion of the Palestinian emergency appeal has developed, I think two issues have been conflated. The one, that most responses related to, is our daily and long-term strategies facing the atrocities of the occupation and the suffering of the Palestinians, and the other, which I have been trying to focus on, is our response to the appeal of the Palestinian Emergency Committee (PEC ).
As far as I can see, none of the responses pro food-donations in the present discussion addressed the specific statement of our Palestinian partners. The discussion remained an internal assessment of what the Israeli anti occupation forces believe is good now for the Palestinians, or for the political struggle of Israelis.
The appeal of the PEC to the Israeli organizations is something of a historical precedence, and, in my opinion, it deserves more attention...
Regarding [the PEC's request for] presence in areas of danger: The last days, a group of us has been forming, who would like to work on this front. The basic concept shaped through further consultation with PEC and ISM, is that in the West Bank, the area in most danger is the North - areas around the new "fence" (Qalqilia, etc)...
The debate continued for several days, and then died out without reaching an agreement. Those who eventually answered the Palestinian call were at the time the activists of the young generation (most of whom did not concern themselves with this old-guard email debate). There was at that stage, a difference in views between the younger generation, which was ready to cross the lines and join the Palestinians in their struggle, and the established anti-occupation groups who were more cautious (but who would eventually join in). At about the same time, I had signed (together with around a hundred thousand people from around the world) a Znet-initiated petition that emerged in response to the threat of a new era of U.S.-led war. The signatories committed themselves to a grassroots struggle for peace and justice, in solidarity with oppressed peoples throughout the world. I decided to join the younger generation of Israeli activists in their pursuit of a meaningful grassroots struggle.
On April 5 2003, as the
The bulldozers have arrived to the village Mas'ha, adjacent to the Israeli settlement Elkanah. Elkana is about 7 kilometers away from the green line, but the route of the fence, approved in the government meeting of June 24, 2002, was changed so that it will include Elkana as well in the Israeli side. The bulldozers have started to separate Mas'ha, in effect, from its only remaining source of livelihood after two and a half years of closure. 98% of the lands of Mas'ha will be placed in the Israeli side of the fence - between the fence and the green line, together with thousands of dunams of Bidia Sanniriya and other villages in the area. Along with the lands that will be cut off the villages, the fence disconnects the road from Jenin to Ramallah, a segment of which will now be in the Israeli side of the fence, thus establishing further the isolation of the Palestinian enclaves from each other.
The initiative to establish the camp came from the villageâ€™s farmers, who were losing their land. The driving force was Nazee Shalabi, a father of seven, who was determined to not give up his land without a struggle. He gathered together a group of equally determined fellow villagers, among them Tayseer Ezzedden and Raâ€™ad Amer, and together with Riziq Abu Nasser, the head of the Land Defense Committee in the Salfit region, they mobilized the village council, organized demonstrations and made contact with international activists in the area. The international womenâ€™s group IWPS (International Womenâ€™s Peace Service), based in the nearby
The Masâ€™ha camp was erected close to the path of the wall, with the aim of documenting, protesting, focusing Israeli and world attention, but strictly avoiding confrontations with the Israeli bulldozers or army. It was obvious that any attempt to physically disrupt the work on the wall would immediately lead to the military sealing off the area and dismantling the camp. By adhering to its principles of non-violent resistance, the camp lasted for four months.with the Israeli army unable to find an excuse to destroy it. 
A constant 24-hour presence in the camp was maintained, with a minimum of two Israelis, two Palestinians and two internationals sleeping there every night, and often many more. On the Israeli side, the camp quickly attracted a wide spectrum of young activists, ranging from environmental and animal-rights activists, to anarchists, students and high-school kids. This was the new generation of the anti-occupation struggle - youth that got their political education through alternative internet zines, and who were themselves involved in forming the Israeli Indymedia. Some were graduates of the
The Masâ€™ha camp quickly became the center of the struggle against the wall, with bigger groups spending a day there on activities ranging from demonstrations and non-violent resistance training, to meetings and discussions that went on long into the night. The principles shared by the young activists were those of the global movements: direct democracy and grassroots struggle. Significantly, this was the first time in the entire history of the Occupation that a real joint Israeli-Palestinian grassroots struggle was forming. Previously, Israeli-Palestinian cooperation had been the product of coordination between the "leaderships" in Ramallah and Tel Aviv, often ending in nothing more than the issuing of a joint petition. In Masâ€™ha, the spirit of direct democracy prevailed: decisions on the actions and policies of the joint struggle were taken in meetings at the camp by those present, rather than made by some remote leadership. For many of the Israelis, this was the first time that they had encountered the other side, while the Palestinians had only known Israelis as employers or soldiers. â€œUntil you arrived,â€ Nazee Shalabi said once, â€œI didnâ€™t have any idea that there were Israelis who want to live with us in peace.â€ In the midst of the discourse of blood and terror that has prevailed in
The American activist and writer Starhawk, who visited Masâ€™ha as part of her trip with the ISM, captured vividly its spirit in her piece â€˜Next year in Masâ€™haâ€™:
On the eve of Passover, after a month I spent in the occupied territories of Palestine working with the International Solidarity movement, a month that saw one of our people deliberately run over by a bulldozer driven by an Israeli soldier, and two young men deliberately shot, one in the face, one in the head, I found myself unable to face the prospect of a Seder, even with my friends in the Israeli peace movement. I couldn¹t sit and bewail our ancient slavery or celebrate our journey to the promised land. I was afraid that I might spew bitterness and salt all over any Seder table I graced, and smash something. So I went to the peace encampment at Masâ€™ha. Masâ€™ha needed people, and the moon was full, and I thought I could just lay down on the land under the moonlight and let some of the bitterness drain away...
To be at Masâ€™ha is to be on the absolute edge of the conflict. The road block that separates the village from the settlement is the divide between two realities. I got to Elkanah from Tel Aviv on the settlers¹ bus, full of elderly women who could have been my aunts and old men that could have been my uncles... We drove through one settlement to let people off and I got a tour of what looks like a transplanted Southern California suburb, complete with lush gardens and new houses, all with an aura of prosperity and complacent security-provided by armed guards and razor wire and the Israeli military... From Elkanah, I walked down the road a few hundred yards and climbed over the road block bulldozed to keep Palestinians out of
The camp at Masâ€™ha is on a knoll, two pink tents set up in an olive grove on stony ground studded with wildflowers, yellow broom, and prickly pear. The olives give shade and sometimes a backrest. If you look in one direction, the groves are spread out below the hilltop for miles of a soft gray green with blue hills in the back ground and small villages beyond, But encircling the hill, and cutting a gray swath across the hillsides, is the zone of destruction, a wide band of uprooted trees and bare subsoil, where a giant backhoe is wallowing like some giant, prehistoric beast, grabbing and crushing stones, gouging the earth, filling the air with dust and the mechanical bellowing of its engines...
A young man is sitting under a tree as I arrive, writing on stones with a black marker. He¹s a farmer, he tells me. In Arabic, he writes, "Don¹t cut the trees." He thinks for a moment, and adds another graceful line. I ask him to translate. He gives me a sweet smile, and points to the ground. "What is this?" "Earth?" I ask... "The earth speaks Arabic," he tells me.
All the Israelis but one have gone, to celebrate Pesach with their families. There are only two of us from the ISM and one woman from IWPS who stay over, along with two of the Palestinians, to guard the camp. As the full moon rises, I lie on the stones and meditate. I am hoping to find some peace or healing, but the earth is tortured here and all I can feel is her anguish. Down and down, through layers and centuries and epochs, I hear the ancestors weeping. The land is soaked in blood, and generations have faced ruthless powers and been cut down, and why should we be any different? I am woken up at three AM to take my shift on watch. I sit by the fire, exhausted, and finally drift back into sleep, waking again in the morning feeling sick at heart.
But people begin to arrive, for a midday meeting. The women from the IWPS, and the men from the village, and dozens of Israelis. We sit under the tent with its sides raised, talking about building an international campaign against the wall. One of the men, a stonemason, makes miniature buildings out of the stones at our feet as we talk. "Maybe we canâ€™t stop it here," one man from the village says,"
But maybe we can stop it other places."
The Israelis who come are mostly young. They are anarchists and punks and lesbians and wild-haired students, and it strikes me that the mayor of Masâ€™ha and the village leaders in a very socially conservative society might actually have more in common with the Orthodox Jews who hate them than with these wild, social rebels. But the village accepts them all with good grace and a warm-hearted Palestinian welcome. One woman is from the group "Black Laundry", which requires a somewhat complicated three-way translation of a Hebrew play on words. [In Hebrew, the word for laundry is kvisa, and the word for sheep is kivsa. So the name of the group -black laundry suggesting exposure of evil, creates an association with black sheep â€“ standing for those viewed by the consensus as deviant.] She explains that it is a lesbian direct action group, and asks our translator if that¹s a problem. "Not for me," he says with a slightly quizzical shrug, and the meeting goes on.
Later we meet with the village women, who want to know if we can help them in any way. They are about to lose their source of livelihoodâ€¹is there anything we can do? We have a long discussion about what we do in the ISM, and promise to research organizations that do community development work.
Back at the camp, all the young shabab-the term for young, unmarried men--have come out for the evening. We sit around the fire while two of the men prepare us dinner, laughing and talking. And suddenly I realize something wonderful is happening. The Israelis and the Palestinians can talk to each other, because most of the young men speak Hebrew. They are hanging out around the fire and talking and telling stories, laughing and relaxing together. They are hanging out just like any group of young people around a fire at night, as if they weren¹t bitter enemies, as if it could really be this simple to live together in peace.
So it was a strange Seder this year, pita instead of Matzoh, the eggs scrambled with tomato, hummous instead of chicken soup, water instead of wine, and instead of the maror, the bitter herbs which I have already tasted, a slight sweet hint of hope.
I can¹t ever again say "next year in
By next year, the camp at Masâ€™ha will most likely be gone. Already the contractors who work for the Israeli military have begun blasting a chasm that will soon cut the olive groves off from the village. An international campaign to stop the building of the wall has begun, but the reality is that they have the capacity to build it faster than we can organize to stop it.
And yet I say it again, as an act of pure faith:
Next year in Masâ€™ha.
By mid June 2003, about a thousand Israelis had visited the camp or stayed overnight, and the core of regular Israeli activists was approaching three hundred people. The camp was beginning to attract some media coverage, thereby focusing attention on the wall, which until that point had hardly had any public debate in
From the start, the Masâ€™ha camp faced an apparently unexpected obstacle â€“ the Palestinian Authority. Not only did the PA district representatives not back the villageâ€™s grassroots organization; they also exerted all kinds of pressure against the camp. The reasons behind such behaviour are complex and painful. As we have seen, following the
We should note that even three years after work on the wall had started, the Ramallah headquarters of the PA had still done nothing to protest against it, or to support the struggle of the people living along the path of the wall. In December 2004, eighteen months after the events of Masâ€™ha, when protest had already spread all along the wallâ€™s route, Haâ€™aretz reported on a demonstration by dozens of Palestinians outside Palestinian cabinet meeting in Ramallah. They accused the cabinet of doing nothing to stop the wall: â€˜The ministers don't care about the barrier, it doesn't affect them. They get VIP treatment at checkpoints and send their children to study abroad,â€™ Salameh Abu Eid, 25, from Biddu village told Reuters... â€˜We ask you, Qureia, to stop supplying cement for the wall!â€™ they shouted... The furious demonstration attested to growing popular discontent with the perceived incompetence and corruption of the Palestinian Authority, which has contributed to a surge in popularity of Islamist militants.â€ Sometimes, the Palestinian Authorityâ€™s measures against the struggle were disturbingly comparable to Israeli ones. In May 2005, in a similar demonstration organized by the popular committee of the
The Masâ€™ha camp started as an initiative of the entire village, with the mayor and village council speaking at the opening demonstration. But the district authorities (DCO of the Salfit region) succeeded in persuading them to disassociate themselves from the camp, and the village Fatah party also withdrew its support. The only political parties to resist this pressure were the communist Peopleâ€™s Party, which had some influence in the village, and the smaller DFLP party (Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine). From the outset, their members viewed the resistance to the wall as a popular struggle of farmers trying to hold on to their land â€“ a classic historical struggle. They formed part of the Palestinian core that initiated the camp, and were determined and courageous enough to continue in the face of considerable district authority pressure.
The Fatah and DCO authorities also much ingenuity in effort to discourage the Israeli activists from getting involved. On one occasion, rumors spread that Hamas was threatening to attack the Israelis at the camp; it later transpired that a Fatah member had spread these baseless rumors in order to scare the Israelis away. This did not dissuade the young Israeli activists from participating in the camp; however, the DCO was more successful with Taâ€™ayush. Taâ€™ayush, by then known and highly respected in the area through its many demonstrations and food convoys, had a strict policy of coordinating its activity with the local PA. The District Cooperating Liaison for the Salfit District, Nawaf Souf (also known as Abu Rabia), informed Taâ€™ayush that he would not support the camp, and that Fatah would not participate in it. This had an immediate impact: Taâ€™ayush announced that it would not extend its backing to the camp, and would not collaborate in â€œirresponsibleâ€ activity supported only by a faction of the Palestinian people â€“ that is to say, the Peopleâ€™s Party and the DFLP. This in turn led to a Catch-22: throughout the whole period of the Masâ€™ha camp, the Palestinian activists kept trying to encourage Fatahâ€™s participation, but were told that Fatah would not cooperate with an activity that Taâ€™ayush did not endorse.
Gradually, the Palestinian participation in the camp dwindled to a small group of the most determined. Rumors were spread about them, including accusations against Nazee Shalabi of past collaboration with
Nevertheless, the camp did not collapse. It continued for two more months, with a smaller daily presence but with regular weekly meetings at which protest activities in neighboring areas were planned. In early August 2003, the protest concentrated on the case of one house on the edge of Masâ€™ha. The wallâ€™s route was designed so that the house of Hani and Munira Amer and their six children would be completely sealed in: enclosed on three sides by the wall, and by the fence of a nearby settlement on the remaining side. Once the wall was completed, the Amer family would need permission to leave their own house through a gate in the wall controlled by the army. There was pressure on the family to agree to leave with compensation, but they refused. The camp activists decided to confront the bulldozers. They moved the camp (including a tent), into the Amer familyâ€™s yard. On August 3, as the bulldozers came to destroy the familyâ€™s barn, about 60 activists sat in front of it and managed to postpone the work. At dawn the next day, the bulldozers returned with the army. 47 of the activists were arrested, including Nazee Shalabi, many internationals and 24 Israelis. The tent was removed, and the Amer yard was declared a closed military zone.
The battle of Masâ€™ha was lost. The village lost its lands, its wells and its olive groves to the wall; the gates to these lands are locked most of the time. Currently, Masâ€™ha is squeezed in a narrow corridor between the already-completed section of wall, and the new wall which is planned (see map in figure **). Masâ€™ha has joined the fate of Qalqilya (discussed in chapter 7), with feelings of despair and isolation replacing its spirit of struggle. The Israeli activists kept contact with the village, and meetings continued to be held there, but the camp did not return to what it was. In December 2003, it was decided to refound the camp in the neighboring
In one of the first protest acts of the new camp in Dir Balut, the activists decided to return to Masâ€™ha on December 26 2003, to take direct action, in which they would open one of the locked gates to the villageâ€™s fields and olive groves. For about two weeks previously, internationals and Israeli activists from the camp had been monitoring the main gates of Mas'ha, which were supposed to be opened for 30 minutes three times a day to allow farmers to go to their fields. Instead, the gates remained permanently closed. In a press release dictated by phone from the action site the activists wrote: â€œNo to the ghetto that's being built by Jews! No to walls between people! Stop the occupation!... At this very moment, Friday afternoon (seventh candle of Hanukah) dozens of activists are breaking down the gate of the apartheid wall which is also known as the "separation fence," to enable a free passage for the people of Masâ€™ha to their lands. The gate has remained closed since the wall was built two months ago. The farmers, whose land is on the other side of the fence, were told that they would be able to cross through the gate to work their lands. That promise turned out to be a methodical, crude and cruel lie. All throughout the suffocating wall the gates remain blocked and the Palestinian residents remain with no access to their only source of income...â€
But the army decided to treat this action with the harshest of measures, perhaps to send a signal to Israeli activists to stay out of the Palestinian struggle. The soldiers immediately started firing live rounds. A sniper, identified in Haâ€™aretz as N., aimed carefully at the knee of one of the protestors, Gil Naâ€™amati; Naâ€™amati was shot in the knee, and the thigh of his other leg. This careful targeting of the smallest parts of the body, like the knee, requires extensive training and it is part of a technique developed by the Israeli army in the occupied territories since the early stages of the present intifada. It is designed to severely injure and disable people, without killing them. (See Israel/Palestine for a detailed survey of the Israeli armyâ€™s policy of injuries.) Another American demonstrator at the protest sustained a shrapnel wound.
The armyâ€™s brutality â€“ applying live fire, rather than simply arresting the protestors - shook many In Israel. The following evening, December 27, a big protest demonstration took place in front of the Defense Ministry offices in Tel Aviv. In its report of the demonstration, Gush Shalom recounted what happened:
Weâ€™ve just come back from a fiery demonstration in protest of yesterday's shooting at peace activists. The story of the seriously-wounded Gil Na'amati in particular continues to make headlines. The 22-year old kibbutznik had to be raced to hospital after he lost consciousness through heavy bleeding. Both his legs were operated on to remove bullets; in one leg the knee was involved. The non-violent though militant protest at the Separation Fence was his first demonstration after he finished his three years of military service only two weeks ago. (His father said on TV that Gil had become so rebellious exactly because of what he had seen and had to participate in at the roadblocks in the
This Saturday evening hundreds of furious demonstrators, many of them young, blocked the road in front of Tel Aviv's Defense Ministry for hours... The police came with far too small a force, but managed to arrest eleven protesters - among them David Tartakover, graphic artist and laureate of the prestigious Israel Prize. The others just continued their sit-in on the road.
While blocking the road slogans were chanted: "We won't kill nor be killed for the settlements"... and placards displayed: "When they shot at Palestinians we were silent!" (from Anarchists Against the Wall); "Purity of arms - a contradiction in terms!"( the anti-militaristic group Profile Hadash); "The Evil Wall Must Fall!" (Gush Shalom). The gay peace group Kvisa Schora was also represented, but what especially attracted media attention was the presence of Knesset Member and Leader of the Meretz party Ran Cohen.
When out of nowhere the prominent anarchist activist Yonathan Pollack suddenly appeared - straight from the Ariel Police Station where he had been held overnight - it was decided to end the demonstration and march collectively to the Tel Aviv (Yarkon) Police Station and demand the release of the detained activists.
The police station was pretty much besieged, and through the mediation of lawyers Yoni Lerman and Leah Tzemel it was agreed to lift the siege in return for the release of all activists.
Paradoxically, the armyâ€™s attempt to scare the Israeli activists, and put an end once and for all to their presence in the Palestinian villages, gave considerable momentum to the struggle against the wall in
On December 31 2003, Taâ€™ayush sent the following announcement to its mailing list:
Following last weekend's events, and marking the end of the activities at the protest tent against the Apartheid Fence in Dir Balut, Anarchists Against the Wall, the people of Dir Balut and Ta'ayush will hold a joint demonstration this Saturday, 3/1/04, protesting the continuing erection of the Apartheid Fence, and the outrageous shooting policy of the Israeli Army in 3 years of Intifada, which was suddenly "discovered" by many Israelis only this weekend. We would like to seize the new public discussion and media interest in what is happening behind the Green Line, and therefore we act with such a rush.
In the months to come, virtually all the anti-occupation groups of
On the Palestinian side, the turning point in the popular struggle was the resistance that emerged around the time the Masâ€™ha camp was dismantled. It took place in the
Today the bulldozers have reached the
In January 2004, the focus of the Palestinian-led joint struggle moved to Budrus. Over the next three months, villagers - men and women, old and young - joined by Israeli and International activists, conducted dozens of nonviolent demonstrations, often obstructing the construction of the wall by placing their bodies in front of the bulldozers.
The people of Budrus did manage to organize, unite and sustain the struggle, despite the lack of support, and even obstacles, put in their way by the Palestinian Authority. Indeed this time, unlike in Masâ€™ha, the villageâ€™s Fatah party joined the struggle. Budrus provided the first successful model for a popular grassroots struggle in the
When the Israeli backhoes and bulldozers first threatened this picturesque Palestinian hamlet, the people of Budrus had to think fast. The heavy machinery, they were told, would soon be scraping clean 1,000 dunams (about 250 acres) of olive groves from the edge of town, clearing a path for the separation barrier to follow. The town was in shock. "We knew we had to do something. But we didn't have a lot of time to think about it. It was a crisis," remembers Ayed Morar [Murrar], 42.
From Budrus to Rantis, faction leaders from the nine Palestinian villages northwest of
The Popular Committee to Resist The Wall was struck, with one representative from each of the nine villages, and Morar was named its leader. The nearly daily demonstrations that have drawn increasing television coverage in the months since that fateful decision are reminiscent of a more benign intifada, much like the one that played out long before suicide bombs and the aftermath of Sept. 11 turned the conflict on its ear. Mass rallies saw the whole of Budrus, everyone from toddlers to grandparents, gathering in the targeted fields after daybreak each morning, often staying until sundown. They linked arms and used their bodies as a human fence against the steel-and-razor wire version trying to plant itself in their place... "I am so proud of my people," said Morar. "We chose non-violent protest knowing we had to have absolute unity. And we got it. All the people of Budrus are together on this.
On temporary leave from his job as a manager with the Palestinian Authority Interior Ministry, Morar cannot contain his disgust with the lack of support for the rump movement from his own government. "We started this on our own, but once it got rolling we had support from everywhere," he said. "International protesters have joined us, along with many peace supporters from
Another aspect of the struggle that was clearly defined in Budrus and shaped the way the resistance would develop in the years to come, concerned the respective roles of Palestinians and Israelis in the joint struggle. From Budrus on, it became clear that resistance must be led by the Palestinians, who mobilize their villages and determine the strategies. The Israeli and the internationals, meanwhile, would be partners in providing support. In an interview with Gideon Levy, Morar explained:
In the north, from Jenin until Budrus, there were Israeli and international demonstrators, supported by Palestinians. But here, we think that it's our problem and that we have to defend our land and do something, and the Israelis and international protesters are only supporting us. First the Palestinians, and then the internationals. We are very grateful for Israeli and international support, but the Palestinians have to make a stand.
During three months of protest in Budrus, the Israeli army killed one 17-year old Palestinian, injured nearly 300 people with rubber bullets, rubber-coated steel bullets, or excessive use of tear gas. 33 people were arrested, including Ayed Morar and two of his brothers. But the people persisted and won. In March 2004, the Israeli government decided to move the wall in the Budrus area to the Green Line. Instead of losing 1,000 dunams, the village lost 14.
After Budrus, the struggle spread along the route of the wall: from the northern Salfit district along the route of the Ariel settlement wall, to the central Ramallah district and towards the direction of
The next village to become the focus for the anti-Wall struggle, in early 2004, was Biddu, south of Budrus. Its enduring and courageous resistance drew even more Israelis to participate. I described Bidduâ€™s struggle in Yediot Aharonot:
Biddu is a beautiful Palestinian village, surrounded with vines and fruit orchards, a few miles to the east of the Israeli border of 1967. In the last couple of months, the village, that has lived in peace with its Israeli neighbors even during the present intifada, has become yet another symbol in the history of Israel/Palestine.
The misfortune of this village is that its lands, as well as the lands of the other small Palestinian villages nearby, border the "
But rather than obeying, the
Indeed, Israelis have answered the call - from the young activists against the wall, to the neighbors from the Mevaseret Tzion neighborhood in the Jerusalem Corridor. Thirty of the latter have also joined an appeal that the villages submitted to the High Court of Israel, against the appropriation of their land. But in the eyes of the army, this new model of Palestinians and Israelis demonstrating together is the most dangerous. In Biddu the army has already posed snipers on the roofs, used live ammunition and killed five Palestinians. Dozens of others have been wounded. Following the media coverage and the protest, the army's use of live fire has decreased, but its violence has not. On April 17, Rabbi Arik Asherman was arrested in Biddu, when he tried to protect a Palestinian child strapped on to the hood of a military jeep
In response to the violence of the army, the women of Biddu called for a quiet and small protest demonstration of women only, on Sunday, April 25th. About 30 Israeli women answered the call - women of diverse ages and from a wide array of occupations. In Biddu, we met with Palestinian women, and with women from the international organizations active in the occupied territories. A quiet protest walk started - less then a hundred women, carrying posters. There was no man in sight, nor children, who could potentially throw stones. We constituted no threat whatsoever. But for the army, this does not matter. "We will not allow this demonstration" - a voice in uniform announced. Tear gas and stun-grenades directly followed. Paralyzed where I stood, I watched a hallucinatory scene. In the midst of the fog of smoke and tear gas, there were still a few women standing, silently lifting their posters in front of the soldiers. But then, out of the fog burst warriors on horses and charged into the women holding the posters. I have seen cops on horses before, but this was a different sight. It was dead clear that their batons were meant for breaking bones. Molly Malekar, the director of the Bat-Shalom organization, ended her quiet protest against the army's violence with a broken shoulder, and a severe blow to her head.
The army blocks any route of protest. It is no longer permitted even to stand silently with posters. And this does not hold only for Palestinians. From the army's perspective, we Israelis are also given only one option - sit silently and watch as our country loses its human face. But since
No inquiry committee was formed, of course, and the army violence continued. Nevertheless, the struggle of Biddu ended in a substantial victory. The Israeli High Court of Justice ruled on June 30 2004 that the state should reroute 30 kilometers of a 40-kilometer stretch of the wall in this area, thus giving back to the Palestinian villagers a considerable part of their lands. The High Court was careful not to set a precedent against the wall in general. In anticipation of the International Court of Justice ruling that was scheduled to be announced in a few days, its decision began with the declaration that building a fence in the
Following the High Court ruling, Ayed Morar of Budrus wrote: â€œLegal decisions are always only a partial reflection of the reality on the ground, which is the main thing for us. The popular struggle has itself led to the decisions of the court - not the other way round. And so, before the popular struggle started expanding, when the construction of the Wall started, the inhabitants had tried to act on the legal front. Prior to the popular resistance, petitions to the courts faced rejection and a general unwillingness to intervene. It is the popular struggle that caused the change in the public debate, bringing about the change in the attitude of the Supreme Court in its last decision.â€ The International Court of Justice ruling on the wall, which followed on July 9, gave a considerable boost to the struggle, which continued to grow steadily on the Palestinian side, backed by growing Israeli support and participation.
Israeli participation in the Palestinian demonstrations has had a substantial contribution in bringing the Palestinian struggle to Israeli consciousness. Facing diminishing support from the Israeli public, the army developed brutal measures to discourage the Israelis from participating in the resistance, mainly targeting the young activists from Anarchists Against The Wall, who have been wounded, arrested and harassed daily. On March 12 2004, Itai Levinsky was shot in the eye by a rubber bullet. As Aviv Lavie reported in Haâ€™aretz:
It was Levinsky who, last December 26, saved the life of Gil Na'amati after Na'amati was shot by an IDF sniper near Masâ€™ha. While the soldiers ignored the demonstrators' pleas to summon an ambulance, Levinsky organized a quick evacuation of the bleeding Na'amati in a Palestinian car, and at the checkpoint an Israeli ambulance joined them. Na'amati lost a great deal of blood and arrived at the hospital in a serious condition. The doctors told his father, Uri, the head of Eshkol Regional Council, that if the evacuation had been delayed they would probably not have been able to save his son's life. Almost three months later, on March 12, it was Levinsky who ended up in hospital. "I went to demonstrate at Hirbata," he recalls. "The army's reaction was violent to the extreme this time. They simply fired rubber bullets like crazy, even though most of the people quickly lay down on the ground among the rocks. Naturally, when you're lying down, there's no difference whether they fire at your head or your legs, because it's all at the same height. I was standing in front and talking to the soldiers via the megaphone, to make them understand that there were Israelis there, too, which sometimes makes them calm down a little. It's scary, but what can you do?" This time, though, the megaphone and the Hebrew weren't an insurance policy....
Levinsky was hospitalized for 10 days, and had to have nose and eye surgery. â€œThe truth is that I was really lucky,â€ he told Lavie, â€œbecause a rubber bullet that enters the eye can reach the brain. It's total chance that I'm alive. For both me and Gil it's pure luck that we weren't killed." In the same article Lavie reports a conversation he had with Yonatan Pollak, himself wounded several times:
One evening during the intermediate days of Pesach, I got a phone call from Yonatan Pollak, who sounded distraught. Pollak, 21, the son of the highly regarded actor Yossi Pollak, is considered the Israeli leader of the struggle against the fence (though as an anarchist, he disowns that description). Tall, charismatic, confident of his path, Pollak... does to the soldiers - who encounter him on an almost daily basis - what a red rag does to a bull.
â€œI called because within a few days there were two incidents in which Israeli demonstrators were almost killed... " Pollak said. "I called because if anything can stop the deterioration of the situation, it's media publicity. Let's leave the political aspect aside for the moment and talk about what's happening on the ground almost every day. There is a gradual but relentless escalation on the part of the army toward civilians taking part in demonstrations, which fundamentally are nonviolent. I spend a lot of time in the territories, and I've seen how riots and demonstrations are suppressed plenty of times, but what's happening here is something new. The feeling is that there are no procedures. They fire rubber bullets and throw tear gas freely, and they fire at the feet and at the head... At every demonstration I talk to the soldiers via a megaphone and tell them that this is a peaceful demonstration of Palestinians, Israelis and internationals - and the bullets whistle past my ears. At first we thought the cameras would deter them, then we thought the presence of Israelis would be a deterrent, but now there is nothing that deters the soldiers. I tell you: Someone is going to die out there."
Maybe it's time to stay home for a while?
Pollak: "I am a political person and I go to demonstrate. It's inconceivable that the state's response should be that I have to sit at home. Even if the army is convinced that what we are doing is a provocation - though from my point of view, of course, the provocation is the building of the fence on Palestinian land - in a democracy you can create provocations without being shot at."
Are you afraid?
"Very much. That's why I'm talking to you. But that doesn't mean we are going to stop the demonstrations. We will continue, but I don't think that's a reason for any of us to die."
Indeed, the army did not manage to deter the Israeli activists. In the months to come, more of them joined in. Through 2004, the popular Palestinian struggle continued to spread to many more villages, and in most of the demonstrations the Israelis were also present, led at that time by Anarchists Against the Wall. In mid-2004, I wrote in Yediot Aharonot:
The breathtaking scenery of the Ariel district has been sliced up by the new roads that the rulers have built for their own exclusive use. Beneath them lie the old roads of the vanquished. There, on the lower level, is where the other Israel-Palestine treads. Israeli youths arrive in settlement buses and then make their way on foot and in Palestinian taxis among the checkpoints. They trek between the villages in groups or alone. Some sleep in the villages. Others will travel the same route the next day to reach the demonstration. Everywhere they go they are greeted with blessings and beaming faces. "Tfaddalu," the children in the doorways say, as if they had never heard of stone-throwing. Like the inhabitants of other Palestinian villages along the route of the fence, those in the Ariel area have opened their hearts and their homes to the Israelis who come to support their non-violent resistance to the barrier that is robbing them of their land...
The Israelis who stand with the Palestinians in front of the army went to the
Nevertheless, the experience of 2004 showed that the numbers of Israeli activists and resources were not sufficient to join in the daily Palestinian struggle along the whole route of the wall and to protect the Palestinians from the wrath of the Israeli army. For the Palestinians, what was needed was a center for the struggle, a focal point that would hold long enough to attract the attention of the world, and which would also serve as a coordinating center for the struggle of the surrounding villages, as Budrus and Biddu had previously done. From February 2005 onward, the
As I write this chapter, in April 2006, Bilâ€™in is still the heart of the popular struggle in the center region of the
When conditions permit, demonstrations are followed by activist meetings, where the events of the day are analysed, and future protests are planned. The village has an internet site, which includes information about activities and samples of the huge Israeli and international media coverage that the struggle of Bilâ€™in has attracted. Throughout this whole period, demonstrations and protests have continued in many other villages, sometimes several on the same day, and usually with Israeli and international participation. At times another village is selected as a focal point for resistance, but the Friday demonstrations and meetings in Bilâ€™in never cease.
Virtually all Israeli anti-occupation groups participate in this struggle, with the most persistent being Anarchists Against the Wall, Gush Shalom and Taâ€™ayush.
It takes substantial stamina to endure the demonstrations. The midday heat in
It would be impossible to tell here the full history of Bilâ€™inâ€™s year of struggle. Instead, I will recount the events of just one, fairly typical, week from this year.
On Friday September 2, 2005, during the last week of the
By this point, Bilâ€™in and its struggle were vivid in the Israeli consciousness. In response to this event, Haâ€™aretz devoted an editorial to the armyâ€™s violence in Bilâ€™in:
After proving their sensitivity and intelligence in dispersing the demonstrations in Gush Katif, the Israel Defense Forces and police could have been expected to apply the same policy in handling the demonstrators against the separation fence in the
Bilâ€™inâ€™s popular committee and the Israeli anti-occupation groups responded to the armyâ€™s attack with a call for a mass demonstration in Bilâ€™in the following Friday: 
We, Palestinians and Israelis, view the recent measures taken by the military as a substantial escalation in violent repression and as an additional infringement on our progressively eroding right to protest and resist the stealing of our lands and the denial of basic human rights. We will be holding a massive demonstration this coming Friday (Sept 9), and we call on you all to step up your efforts, spread the word widely, and join us in Bilâ€™in as we deliver our message that the popular resistance to the wall and the occupation will not be crushed, that the protest against the crimes of occupation will not be silenced. Especially now, as the military is denying, through brute force, our right to protest, we urge you all to come out and raise your voice against the ongoing dispossession and violation of the basic human rights of the people of Bilâ€™in and Palestine in general.
The demonstration will begin at the Mosque in Bilâ€™in at 13:00. Transportation details to follow shortly.
The announcement did not deter the IDF, which invaded the village at dawn on September 9, determined to prevent the demonstration. As Greta, an ISM activist, reported that day, â€œat 5 am, the military came into Bilâ€™in and said it was a closed military zone, and curfew would be enforced. At 6 am... the commander told Abdullah he had 15 minutes to tell the internationals and Israelis [staying in his house] to leave. Hours later, no one had obeyed that command, and internationals and Israelis remained throughout the day... At 7 am, Palestinians, Internationals, and Israeli activists went to the rooftops and invented their own music, complete with percussion drummed out on heaters and water tanks... The mood was festive in spite of 20 soldiers and several jeeps parked in front threatening the mood. We clapped and shouted and danced on the tops of the buildings, shouting back and forth to each other, trying to postpone any kind of violent confrontation with the military. The demonstration wasnâ€™t due to begin until 1 pm, and we had much to do to delay the Israeli military violence in those six hours.â€ But the plan to delay the military violence did not fully succeed, as Greta went on to relate: â€œApparently, the Israeli military became nervous listening to the music, and started lobbing tear gas and stun grenades at the Palestinians. Within a few minutes, a Palestinian man was shot in the leg.â€ Through the morning, 5 Israelis, 3 internationals and 1 Palestinian were arrested. Nevertheless, at 1pm the Palestinians and the remaining Israeli and internationals headed to the main square, in violation of the curfew. 
At the same time, 300 people from the Israeli side answered the Popular Committeesâ€™ call and started their hazardous journey into the besieged Bilâ€™in. What follows are extracts of Coalition Against the Wallâ€™s report on that day:
The army sealed off all roads to Bil'in, but the demonstrators arrived through the ultra-Orthodox settlement of Upper Modi'in. Through the building site, where a new settlement neighborhood is being added, the protestors gained access to the olive groves and canyons in Bil'in village... Walking several kilometers in difficult terrain during the hottest hour of the day, the demonstrators succeeded in getting to the construction site from the western ("Israeli") side. Military and police forces which waited there started shooting tear gas and tried to arrest them. The demonstrators divided into small groups and most of them succeeded in entering the Bil'in built-up area, with soldiers and police chasing them through the villageâ€™s back alleys. The Bil'in people received the Israelis with great enthusiasm, offering refuge in their homes - and cold water. Some 25 Israelis were arrested in that process, among them Dr Anat Matar of the Tel-Aviv University, Philosophy Department, and veteran Meretz activist Latif Dori.
At 1pm, about a hundred demonstrators succeeded in getting through to the main square of Bil'in in front of the mosque, where they joined a large number of Palestinian curfew breakers. Also present were many international activists, most of them US citizens. A bit later there arrived more Israelis, who had fallen behind but not given up, among them former Knesset Member Uri Avnery of Gush Shalom who on this very day marks his 82nd birthday, Yakov Manor of Ta'ayush and Dorothy Naor of New Profile.
For about an hour, Israeli and Palestinian demonstrators stood in the main square, facing the soldiers and Border Police, chanting slogans... Some called at the soldiers: Why don't you embrace us as you did with the settlers?" The Bil'in leaders invited Israelis and internationals to join them in dancing and clapping while singing "we will win, we will win, here in Bil'in, here in Bil'in, Christian Muslim hand in hand, Israeli movement with us will stand"... After an hour, the soldiers resumed shooting and the village square was soon covered with clouds of tear gas. Environmental activist Advocate Dov Chinin got a rubber bullet in his leg. The demonstrators found refuge in the backyard of a nearby home... It was decided to hold after all, and in spite of the army's opposition, the weekly march towards the site of the wall. So the demonstrators conducted the march, chanting "after all the wall will fall" and then returned to the village center. Shortly after the army and Border Guard forces left Bil'in followed by calls of derision from the protestors.
On the following Friday, September 16, the weekly demonstration was preceded by a Beethoven concert by the Dutch pianist Jacob Allegro Wegloop. (Much effort was invested in getting the piano, contributed by Yonatan Pollakâ€™s parents, into the village, and Wegloop himself was smuggled in at early dawn, before the army arrived.) David Rovics, a political folk singer touring the West Bank, also contributed to the musical side of the demonstration. The Israeli demonstrators again had difficulties reaching the village through the sealed-off roads, but most of them made it. There was too much Israeli and international media presence for the military to risk taking excessive measures of revenge for the events of the previous week. So, the army instead â€œjustâ€ used tear gas to disperse the demonstration march that followed the concert. This is how the Bilâ€™in struggle continues to date.
In over two years of the struggle against the wall, there have been some successes. In a few more cases than I have mentioned here, Israeli high court injunctions have stopped the bulldozers. But these are still just drops in the ocean. In the areas bordering the wall, Israel continues its massive project of driving the Palestinians off their land. As we saw in the previous chapter, if the wall is completed, 400,000 Palestinians will lose their land and livelihood; many of them may eventually become refugees in the Palestinian enclaves that Israel has designated for them. In the Palestinian nakba (catastrophe) of 1948, 730,000 Palestinians were driven from their villages. But rather than waiting for the history books to tell the story of the second Palestinian Nakba, the Palestinians along the wall are struggling to stop the narrowing of their prisons. Armed only with the extraordinary spirit of people who have clung on to their land for generation after generation, they stand in the path of one of the most brutal military machines in the world.
This daily struggle is our hope. It has become possible with the help of individuals from all over the world who come to protect and support the non-violent Palestinian resistance. They face harassment - many are being stopped and deported - but still they keep coming. As long as more people join them, even for a short time, as long as they are supported by many others at home who are unable to travel there, the struggle will go on, offering hope where governments fail.
In February 2006, Mohammed Khatib, a leading member of Bilin's Popular Committee Against the Wall and the secretary of its village council, wrote:
We refuse to be strangled by the wall in silence. In a famous Palestinian short story by Ghassan Kanafani, â€œMen in the Sun,â€ Palestinian workers suffocate inside a tanker truck. Upon discovering them, the driver screams, â€œWhy didnâ€™t you bang on the sides of the tank?â€ In Bilin, we are banging, we are screaming... Please stand with us.
 Noam Chomsky, The Common Good, Interviewed by David Barsamian, Common Courage Press, 1998. Chomsky says: â€œSome of the rural workers in
 I survey some of their struggle between 2000 and 2003 in Israel/Palestine, chapter 10, pp.226-35.
 The ISMâ€™s site is: http://www.palsolidarity.org. Its goals, as developed in subsequent years and currently described on this site, are â€œto support and strengthen the Palestinian popular resistance by providing the Palestinian people with two resources, international protection and a voice with which to nonviolently resist an overwhelming military occupation force.â€
 Sonia Nettnin, PalestineChronicle.com, October 24 2005.
 E.g. Alex Fishman, Yediot Aharonot Saturday Supplement, September 20 2002 (quoted in chapter 7).
 â€œWe Stand for Peace and Justice,â€ Z Magazine, March 27, 2003, http://www.zmag.org/wspj/index.cfm
 This map is a detail adapted from Bâ€™Tselem, The Separation Barrier in the
 It even happened on one ocasion soldiers guarding the construction of the wall later joined in the anti-wall struggle themselves.
 The core of the Israeli activists at the founding stage included Raz Avni, Ronen Eidelman, Tal Jacobson, Liad Kantarovitz, Itai Levinsky, Yoni Masi, Naâ€™ama Nagar, Yonatan Pollak, Aya Zamir and many others.
 Starhawk (www.starhawk.org) is the author of Webs of Power: Notes from the Global Uprising and eight other books on feminism, politics and earth-based spirituality. She works with the RANT trainerâ€™s collective, which offers training and support for mobilization on global justice and peace issues.
 See above, chapter 6.2.
 News Agencies, â€œPalestinians demonstrate over lack of PA action against fence,â€ Haâ€™aretz, December 4 2004.
 The event was reported briefly in Haâ€™aretz, May 23 2005.
 There is a documentary film about the Masâ€™ha camp, produced and directed by participants: "Temporary Inconvenience", Producer: Claudia Levin; directors: Daniel Sivan and Yoni Massi. It can be ordered at: email@example.com.
 Haaretz Service, â€œIDF detectives to question 3 in shooting of protesters,â€ Haâ€™aretz online, December 30 2003.
 Chapter 6, section 1, The policy of Injuries, p. 112-116
 Pollack had been arrested at the previous dayâ€™s protest at Masâ€™ha â€“ authorâ€™s note.
 Haaretz Service, â€œIDF detectives to question 3 in shooting of protesters,â€ Haâ€™aretz online, December 30 2003.
 The map in this chapter is from September 2005. By that time, the struggle for Budrus had been won, and the wall was moved back to the Green Line.
 Mitch Potter,
 Gideon Levy, â€œThe Peaceful Way Works Best,â€ Haâ€™aretz Friday Magazine, February 13 2004.
 For more on Bidduâ€™s struggle and the armyâ€™s violence, see Gideon Levy, â€œTwilight zone / Fighting the Fence,â€ Haâ€™aretz, Friday Magazine, March 5 2004.
 Tanya Reinhart, â€œBiddu: The Struggle Against The Wallâ€ (different title in Hebrew), Yediot Aharonot
and Ynet, May 5 2004; Translated from Hebrew by Netta Van Vliet.
 Yuval Yoaz and Aluf Benn, â€œCourt
. Again, the MAP ** shows already the route of the wall after these changes.
 Ayed Morar, â€œAfter
 See above, Chapter 7, p. **.
 Aviv Lavie, â€œPicking their battles,â€ Haâ€™aretz Friday Magazine, April 15 2004.
 Tanya Reinhart, â€œStanding Against The Claws of the Wall,â€ Yediot Aharonot and Ynet, June 23 2004. Translated from Hebrew by Mark Marshall and Edeet Ravel.
 Haaretz Editorial, â€œWhere's the Restraint in Bil'in?,â€ Haâ€™aretz, September 9 2005.
 Associated Press, â€œIDF disperses riot with sound technology,â€ Ynet (www.ynetnews.com), June 3 2005.
 From a leaflet of the popular committee (see below in the text).
 Haâ€™aretz Editorial, â€œWhere's the restraint in Bil'in?,â€ Haâ€™aretz, September 9 2005.
 Signatories to this statement were The Popular Committee against the Wall, Gush Shalom, Taâ€™ayush, Coalition of Women for Just Peace, the Committee Against House Demolitions and Anarchists Against the Wall.
 Coalition Against the wall, Press Release, September 9 2005, http://www.geocities.com/keller_adam/BilSept9_he.htm