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June 2005

Volume , Number 0


Activism

There are no articles.

Commentary

There are no articles.

Culture

There are no articles.

Features

Elections Again
David Swanson


MediaBeat
Norman Solomon


UK News
James Quinney


Interview
Ellen O’shea


Music
Bill Nevins


Environment
Jason Leopold


Labor
Chris Kutalik


Structural Adjustment
Michael Ives


Economy
Andy Dunn


Peacework
Daniel Borgstrom


Eyes Right
By pam chamberlain & chip berlet By pam chamberlain & chip berlet


Conservative Watch
Bill Berkowitz


Central America
George h. Beres


Campus Democracy
Stephanie Basile


Reproductive Rights
Eleanor J. Bader


Z Papers on Vision
Michael Albert


Zaps

There are no articles.

NOTE: Z Magazine subscribers and sustainers have access to all Z Magazine articles here and in the archive. The latest Z Magazine articles available to everyone are listed in the Free Articles box at the top of the table of contents, and are starred in the list below. Questions? e-mail Z Magazine Online.

Science In A Better World

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S cience refers to an accumulated body of information about the components of the cosmos and to testable claims or theories about how those components interact, as well as to the processes by which we add to our information, claims, and theories, reject them as false, or determine that they are possibly or even likely true. 

My personal knowledge that the grass I see from my window is green is not science. Experiences per se are not science, nor are perceptions, though both can be valid and important. It isn’t by way of science that we know what love is or that we are experiencing pain or pleasure. Science doesn’t teach us how to talk or what to say in most situations or how to add or multiply numbers. Most of life, in fact, including even most information discovery and communication, occurs without doing science, being ratified by science, or denying, defying, crucifying, or deifying science. 

And yet, most knowing and thinking, and especially most predicting or explaining, is much like science, even if it is not science per se. What distinguishes what we do every day from what we call science is more a difference of degree than a difference of kind. Perceiving is perceiving. Claiming is claiming. Respecting evidence is respecting evidence. What distinguishes scientists doing these things in labs and libraries is their personal and collective discipline. 

Science doesn’t add new claims about the properties of reality’s components to its piles of information and its theories, nor does it assert the truth or falsity of any part of that pile, without diverse groups of people reproducing supporting evidence and verifying claims under very exacting conditions of careful collection, categorization, and calculation. Nor does science advance without reasons to believe that what is added to the scientific pile has significant implications vis a vis the pile’s overall character, history, and development. 

What is most happily added to science’s knowledge pile is checkable evidence or testable claims or new paths connecting disparate parts that verify or refute previously in doubt parts of the pile or that add new non-redundant terrain to the pile, in turn giving hope of providing new vistas for further exploration. 

If we look in the sky and say the moon circles the earth, it is an observation, yes, but it is not yet science. If we detail the motions of the moon and provide strong evidence for our claims about its circling the earth that is reproducible and testable by others, we are getting close to serious science, or even contributing to it. If we pose a theory about what is happening with the moon, and we then test our theory’s predictions to see if they are ever falsified or especially if they predict new outcomes that are surprising to us, then we are certainly doing science. 

Webster’s Dictionary defines science as “the observation, identification, description, experimental investigation, and theoretical explanation of natural phenomena.” The Oxford English Dictionary defines science as “a branch of study which is concerned with a body of demonstrated truths or observed facts, systematically classified by being brought under general laws, and which includes trustworthy methods for the discovery of new truths within its own domain.” Seventy-two Nobel Laureates agreed on the following definition: “Science is devoted to formulating and testing naturalistic explanations for natural phenomena. It is a process for systematically collecting and recording data about the physical world, then categorizing and studying the collected data in an effort to infer the principles of nature that best explain the observed phenomena.” 

Richard Feynman, one of the foremost physicists of the 20th century, pithily sums up the whole picture: “During the Middle Ages there were all kinds of crazy ideas, such as that a piece of rhinoceros horn would increase potency. Then a method was discovered for separating the ideas— which was to try one to see if it worked, and if it didn’t work, to eliminate it. This method became organized, of course, into science.” 


Science Motives 

W e can say with confidence that the type of economy a society has can affect science by affecting the information that is collected and the claims about it that are explored, the means and procedures utilized in the collection and exploration, and who is in position to participate in these processes or, for that matter, even to know about and be enlightened by science’s accomplishments. 

There are at least two individual and two social motives that propel science. First there is pure curiosity, the human predilection to ask questions and seek their answers. 

  • Why is the sky blue? 
  • What happens if you run at the speed of light next to a burst of light?  
  • What is time and why does it seem to go only one way? 
  • What is the smallest piece of matter and tiniest conveyor of force? 
  • How do pieces of matter and conveyors of force operate? 
  • What is the universe, its shape, its development? 
  • What is life, a species, an organism? 
  • How do species form, persist, get replaced? 
  • When people socialize, what is an economy, how does it work, and what is a polity, culture, family, and how do they work?

Inquiring minds want to know these things even if there is nothing material to be gained from that knowledge. 

A second personal motive for science is individual or collective self interest. Knowledge of the components of reality and their interconnections sufficient to predict outcomes and even to impact what happens can not only assuage our curiosity, it can increase the longevity, scope, range, and quality of life. What is the cause and cure for polio or cancer? How do birds fly? How does gravity work? 

Curiosity causes us to open the door to the unknown with gigantic desire and energy; but we drive whole huge caravans through the doors of science in part because of the benefits we gain. The benefits can come from the implications of the knowledge itself, but also from remuneration for scientific labors or achievements. There can be material rewards for gathering information and for proposing or testing hypotheses about reality. Pursuit of these rewards is also a motive for doing science. Likewise, the benefits to be had beyond the satisfaction of fulfilling one’s curiosity are not confined to material payment. One can attain status or fame, and doing science is often at least in part driven by pursuit of the social prizes, notoriety, stature, and admiration that accompany discovery. 


Science and Economics 

A n economy can increase, diminish, or push people’s curiosity in one direction or another. It can affect as well the ways that scientific knowledge can directly benefit people, and, of course, the remuneration and other material rewards bestowed on people for doing science, as well as the social rewards they garner. 

In the U.S., science has become ubiquitous revealing the inner secrets of materials, space, time, bodies, and even, to a very limited extent as yet, minds. But science has also become, in various degrees and respects, an agent of capital. Distortion arises when the different methods and problems scientists utilize are biased by motives other than scientific inquiry undertaken for its own sake. 

British journalist George Monbiot reports that “34 percent of the lead authors of articles in scientific journals are compromised by their sources of funding, only 16 percent of scientific journals have a policy on conflicts of interest, and only 0.5 percent of the papers published have authors who disclose such conflicts.” 

In the pharmaceutical industry we find that “87 percent of the scientists writing clinical guidelines have financial ties to drug companies.”

More subtly, commercial funding and ownership affect what questions are raised and what projects are pursued. If patent prospects are good, money flows. If they are bad, even when reasons of general curiosity or improving human welfare warrant a line of inquiry, funding is hard to come by. 

At the most extreme, citizens may wind up “guinea pigs as in the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment between 1932 and 1972, or in experiments between 1950 and 1969 in which the government tested drugs, chemical, biological, and radioactive materials on unsuspecting U.S. citizens; or [as in] the deliberate contamination of 8,000 square miles around Hanford, Washington, to assess the effects of dispersed plutonium.” On a larger scale, in the U.S. the Pentagon now controls about half the annual $75 billion federal research and development budget with obvious repercussions for the militarization of priorities. 

I recently sat on an airplane next to an MIT biologist interested in human biological functions and dysfunctions. He was not at all political or ideological, but he had no confusions about the way things work. “What we do, what we can do, even what we can think of doing,” he told me, “is overwhelmingly biased by the need for funding, which, nowadays, means the need for corporate funding or, if government, then a government that is beholden overwhelmingly to corporations or to militarism. More, the corporations plan on a very short time horizon. If you can’t make a very strong case for short run profits, forget about it. Find something else to pursue, unless you can convince the government your efforts will increase killing capacities.” 


Good Society Science 

W hat would be different about science in a good society, one with a participatory economy, say, rather than with capitalism? Four primary structural things would change, which in turn have many implications.

  • Each future scientist would work at a balanced job complex, having a mix of responsibilities balanced for empowerment and quality of life effects, like everyone else, rather than occupying a higher or lower position in a pecking order of power. 
  • Each future scientist would be remunerated for duration, intensity, and, to the extent relevant, difficulty of their work, not for power or output, much less for property. 
  • Each future scientist, with other workers in his or her scientific institution—whether it’s a lab, university, research center, or other venue—would influence decisions in proportion as he or she is affected by them. 
  • The level of resources that future scientists will be allotted to engage in their pursuits will be determined by the overall economic system via participatory planning, with self management.

As a result future science will no longer be dependent on power and wealth—indeed these won’t even exist in centralized forms—nor will those involved in scientific pursuits earn more or less remuneration or enjoy more or less power than those involved in other areas. 

Will there be huge expenditures on tools for advancing our knowledge of the 15th decimal point of nuclear interactions or the 14 billionth light year distant galaxy even before we have figured out how to reduce the hardships of mining coal or containing or reversing its impact on the ecology or before we develop alternative energy sources? Will research be undertaken on grounds of military applications instead of on grounds of implications for knowing our place in a complex universe? 

These are questions that will arise and be answered only when we have a new society. What commitment to a future vision tells us is the broad procedure people will follow, not the specific outcomes that people will choose, though we can certainly make intelligent guesses about the latter, as well. 

When the latest and greatest particle accelerator project was being debated in the U.S., a congressperson asked a noted scientist who was arguing for allocating funds to the super collider, what its military benefits would be. The scientist replied it would have no implications for weaponry, but it would help make our society worth defending. The scientist’s motivations and perceptions failed to impress Congress, which voted against the project. 

Do we know that a future society would have allotted the billions required? No. We don’t know one way or the other. But we do know that the final decision would be based not on the project’s military benefits, but rather on how the project would contribute to making society a more desirable and wiser place. 

So a desirable post-capitalist economy would in no way inhibit scientific impulses. Instead it would greatly enhance them both due to having an educational system that seeks full participation and creativity from everyone and due to allotting to science what a free and informed populace agrees to. Science, in the sense of creatively expanding the range and depth of our comprehension of the world, depends on real freedom—which is to say real control over our lives to pursue what we desire.


Michael Albert is co-founder of South End Press and Z Communications. He is currently on the staff of ZNET. He has written numerous books on politics and vision including his most recent Parecon: Life After Capitalism and Thought Dreams .
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