Surviving the Genocide: An Interview with Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana.
Surviving the Genocide: An Interview with Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana.
DB: Now in 1996, in March, then again in October while you were in
JCN: What happened there, every outsider...priests, nuns, none of them could survive because they were accused of supporting the former regime. The RPF killed many of the priests all across the country and as you know many of
DB: Do you believe now, we saw that the RPF was particularly violent towards Hutu in the north, towards the so-called "Bakiga."
DB: Do you believe that comes from their resistance to the monarchy? That Paul Kagame was carrying out an old feud so-to-speak?
JCN: Yes, I believe that is true. Even before when we had the monarchy in the country, it was rejected in the north and many of my fellow citizens, I mean those who were educated, were still threatened for not collaborating with the regime. I remember in 1996, Tito Rutaremara, the RPF's main philosopher, his brother Jill Rutaremara,2 General Nyamwasa, and Antoine Mugesera, another RPF philosopher who actually is changing the history of Rwanda in Butare University, organized a meeting were they wanted to learn why the Bakiga did not accept a monarchy and minority rule. It was held in Ruhengeri town. Dr. Twagirayezy was there as an attendee and he actually wants to testify about this event as I told you before. They brought a document for everyone to sign as a contract agreeing to RPF rule in order to bring security back to the region and the person who signed it took an oath not to undermine the RPF's efforts. Many of the people that gathered there were killed; especially those who refused to sign the document.
DB: Some individuals have brought up Paul Kagame's own unique bloodlines that extend back to the monarchy. Does this influence his domestic policies?
JCN: In my country, we have a president, but we really have an unofficial monarchy. You know, in that country we have two competitive clans: Abanyiginya and Abega. They have been killing each other for power, you know, and whatever clan was in charge of the monarchy always killed local Hutu chiefs to expand their influence. Have you ever heard about the Kalinga?
DB: Yes, I have heard about that. It was a symbolic royal war drum.
JCN: Yea, they hung the testicles of Hutu from it for about four centuries.
DB: I have heard of it before, but I always wondered if it was real or just propaganda to demonize the monarchy.
JCN: It's true. It's true.
DB: Do you think his ties to the royal family help him keep the loyalty of some RPF members? 3
JCN: I know that he is related to one of the royal family, I don't know, one of them was killed in the genocide.
DB: Oh, yes. That was his aunt. It's his aunt Rosalie Gicanda. She was the Queen Mother.
JCN: Yes, I heard about that, but I already know, Kagame does not want the rule of a monarchy to become official because the king has to answer before the Tutsi council, "Abiru", a council that holds the real power over the country. That is exactly the same council used in gacaca courts today to decide every Hutu's fate.
DB: Are you saying that if he formally becomes king, he would have to answer to somebody?
JCN: Yes, and this is the big issue. Kagame is from the Abega tribe, so he hates the Abanyiginya who for four centuries were ruling the country before a revolution took place in 1959 to overthrow the monarchy and install a Republican regime. He is the king of
DB: I saw President Kagame speak at Amahoro Stadium on Liberation Day last year and it was particularly remarkable how different his attitude was during his speech from his trips abroad. His delivery and word choice had so much more conviction and was so stern compared to when he is speaking abroad.
JCN: Also, in 1996, Kagame said that he would destroy the refugee camps in
DB: Now in 1997, there were a number of assassinations in your country. In January and February, you had several U.N. observers killed.
JCN: If it was January or February, I don't remember, but the killings were blamed on ex-FAR while it was really more RPF crimes. All of those ex-FAR who were sent back to
DB: Do you know Kiswahili by chance?
JCN: Yes, I do.
DB: You know the word, "Fagia?"
JCN: Yeah, fagia means "finish the job."
DB: Ok. I am aware that Kagame....
JCN: Yes, that's...
DB: ...used that word to speak of such operations.
JCN: ...to finish the job.
DB: So essentially, it's....it's a complete extermination of one's bloodline in a sense, if it's a targeted individual.
JCN: Yes. "Fagia" meaning to kill him or them, those who were targeted....nobody could survive.
JCN: We know that many people here, there, everywhere were killed in a different manner. The RPF used akandoya and other times, they forced someone to kill their own friend, bury them, and then the RPF killed them also. They used such cruel methods, not just killing someone but humiliating them first.
DB: What you just described, this was all around Ruhengeri?
DB: Now, when the U.N. observers were murdered on the 4th of February, I have it at the Karengera Commune near Cyangugu and that a Briton was among those killed. Only about a week earlier, several Spanish medical workers for Medicos del Mundo were killed and an American worker was among those wounded.4 There's currently a pending lawsuit against several Rwandan military officials for this incident.5 What were these events about?
JCN: The RPF was always up there in 1997. They were always by the border area. We were told Interahamwe were crossing the border and killing people, but for us in the north, we never saw any Interahamwe as far as I can remember, but we saw many people getting killed. There were times around one hundred people were killed in
Those Spanish citizens, they died like so many Rwandans did. They were not killed by insurgents; they were killed by RPF soldiers and LDF (Local Defense Forces). As I said earlier, the RPF killed Bagogwe in that area and said the Interahamwe killed them. They added that the genocide is underway again. Those aid workers knew about this and were going to report it.6
DB: Then in February, as I mentioned, another priest was killed and then several U.N. were killed in Karengera.
DB: Yea. Was this a similar situation?
JCN: Yes. The RPF believed those guys were giving information to the international community and the RPF had a policy to kill without being seen or finish the job without any eyewitness to their crimes. That's also what happened to the Canadian priest in Ruhengeri and to the Croatian priests and so on...
DB: I want to ask a question specifically about the Local Defense Forces. When I was in
JCN: You have guys who, most of those guys in the countryside roads are RPF. The Local Defense Force does not wear a uniform out there. They look like ordinary Rwandans. But all in all, they were Abakada as we Rwandans call them. Those guys travel in groups of five, all men, and they patrol the area they are in charge of. They are not paid and they do whatever they want in the area they control. Their main training camps are in Mutobo, Gabiro, and Gishari. But also, there are these so-called "Rasta," who are Hutu soldiers, sometimes even ex-FAR, that work for and are under RPF supervision.7
DB: So it is a paramilitary unit.
JCN: A paramilitary unit as you said, yes, but they received training from RPF officers. They even make maps and generate plans together with RPF soldiers for their military operations.
DB: That helps clarify things for me a bit. Now just one more question with regards to specific military units. One well-known military unit in
JCN: The Presidential Guard, what it is...ok. Everywhere President Kagame goes in the country; they are part of his escort and must be there with him. They are all chosen to do the job, you cannot volunteer. It is run by Frank Nziza. They are mostly used in special death squad missions inside and outside the country. There is no denying also they have received training by U.S. Special Forces and some of them, including
DB: When I was in
JCN: Let me explain to you the job situation as I understand it. In the countryside, we were told by Rwandans coming from
After that, I decided to try and find another job. I went for an interview with the UNDP (United Nations Development Project) and a Tutsi woman refused to give me access to the person in charge of interviews. She said I had to bring proof that I have a job from the Ministry of Industry. I told her, "No, I got a job at Sulfo-Rwanda you cannot ask me to bring such proof. Everyone there knows me." She responded, "That's your business." Then I left and understood I would never get that job.
Also, there was a guy connected to Sulfo-Rwanda, Froduald Karamira, who was killed on February 14th, 1997. I was in Nkuli Commune on that day, which is now known as Buhoma District. He was accused of being a Hutu extremist so he fled to
Every Hutu lived like this. You had to work for the government, for the RPF. They used other workers to keep informed about every newcomer, everyone who's starting work. To understand this, let me give you an example. Today, when you graduate, you must go to a training center at Gikondo for brainwashing to get a job. Every semester, some graduates are chosen to be sent there from among all the universities in
You spend six months at the center. They give you a list of people to hate, people who are supposed to be opponents of the RPF. People are taught to hate their own parents and friends if they oppose the RPF. These people spy on everyone else at work and report suspicious people to the Department of Military Intelligence. After one and a half years of living in this hell, I fled to
DB: That was when you eventually moved out of
JCN: At that time, my wife was regularly travelling to
DB: What happened in
JCN: You know Americans were killed there right?
DB: Well, there were reports that an armed group came and killed some western tourists. Some said it was Interahamwe, others said it was a Ugandan rebel group like the ADF (Allied Democratic Forces) or NALU (National Army for the Liberation of Uganda). There were different....
JCN: If you ask me that question, I will ask you why you the Bagogwe tribe got killed in Gisenyi. Who is the perpetrator? The same one who killed the American tourists: the RPF soldiers and Paul Kagame. After Madeline Albright arrived in
DB: This was where?
JCN: I was in
DB: That would be Susan Rice.
JCN: Yes, Miss Susan Rice. She also came back to
Exactly the same thing happened to the tourists, the American tourists. This was an act of terrorism.10 On that same day, in Jenda District, where I was born, and also in Nkuli, RPA soldiers killed at least 500 civilians on November 21st. Susan Rice did not say anything about this. Why did she condemn this crime and accuse Hutus before an independent inquiry team went there to investigate?
DB: Are you saying the RPF committed all those crimes?
JCN: Of course, I know this for sure. I also know that they even killed Tutsis in different areas, including a Tutsi agriculturist in Ruhengeri. I don't know his name unfortunately, but he was an agriculturalist who worked at the plantations in the countryside of Nkuli and Karago communes. He was killed at the
Also that year, in January 1997, one RPF soldier was killed in public because he was supposed to kill some people, but did not. There was a Hutu woman who came to ask for her husband's house back because it had been taken over by Tutsis. For this courageous act, the woman had to die. The soldier who was ordered to shoot her did not do so and that RPF soldier was killed for not following instructions. He was shot in public. So when Paul Kagame says he punished those who were involved in killings, it's not really true. The RPF soldiers who did follow such orders, they were glorified and promoted to the highest military rankings. For example, Colonel Ibingira after he massacred displaced people in Kibeho. There was also (Faustin-Kayumba) Nyamwasa, (
DB: Let's talk about another one of those cases you just mentioned. Can you tell me about Kibeho?
JCN: Yes, Kibeho, I cannot forget that because I had a good friend who was killed there. Remember, you asked me in the beginning about how people in Butare were killed by the RPF soldiers while U.N. forces were there? University workers, students, and teachers were massacred in front of the U.N. peacekeeping forces. At first, the Rwandans who ended up in that camp were going to flee to the southern region of
The RPF started by using machine guns and mortars to destroy the camp; destroy the houses, to destroy all the people. They killed women, children, and young guys from the university that were there. This was a bloody planned genocide as I told you before; genocide planned very well by the RPF leadership. No Hutu intellectual could be allowed survive. If you survived Kibeho, you had to go to the countryside and stay there until you disappeared or were killed very far from the U.N. observers in
JCN: Yes. I know how my friends got killed at the same time as I left my area for
DB: Yea, I've seen those.
JCN: So the guy, Paul Kagame, decided to close the camps using this guy named Fred Ibingira, who was promoted to the rank of General a few months later. He worked with Jacques Bihozagara, who was first promoted to be the Rwandan Ambassador to
Now, let's talk about happened to my people, my fellow citizens. President Bizimungu went to Kibeho because he was afraid of Kagame and he told everybody only a few hundred were killed there. At the same time, how many really died? Most people say eight thousand people but I met a guy from the UNHCR who told me twenty-one thousand died, including Kibeho and the surrounding area.
DB: I found some similar information that I would like to share with you and get your reaction. It started on the 22nd or 23rd, but the day after the killings, the United States Embassy sent its Defense AttachÃ© Officer (DAO), whose name is Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Odom, along with Mr. Mickey Dunham, the Operations Officer in the Defense AttachÃ© Office at the U.S. Embassy to Kibeho to find out exactly what happened.14
DB: They spoke with Sam Kaka, Colonel Nyamwasa, Charles Muhire, and Lieutenant Colonel Karenzi. When they left, they told U.S. Ambassador David Rawson that 2,000 were killed in Kibeho. Now this is what Lieutenant Colonel Odom, a well-trained and veteran military officer said was his reasoning for his estimate. He determined eight thousand or more bodies could not possibly have been moved overnight because there were only five thousand RPF soldiers in the area, which wasn't enough manpower to move that many bodies and also remove all the shell casings it would have taken to shoot that many people.15
After that, Ambassador Rawson called in a lawyer named Maurice Nyberg, an American who was part of the U.N. Special Investigations Unit that eventually became the ICTR. Anyway, he investigated Kibeho for a month and stayed with Lieutenant Colonel Odom at the house of the U.S. Embassy's Political Officer at the time, (then)
JCN: Of course, this is ridiculous and shameful. I don't understand how the
DB: To move on from that subject, you, now in 1993, you were in
JCN: Yes, up to February 28th, 1993.
DB: Can you tell me what happened when you got back to
JCN: Well, I told you about the February attack in 1993. I thought there would be peace in
DB: You believed the Arusha Accords would hold?
JCN: Myself, yes. I believed Hutu and Tutsi finally had a chance to live together without too many problems.
DB: Where did you go when you first arrived back in
JCN: I stayed in
DB: Do you know the name of the company?
JCN: Excuse me?
DB: Do you know the name of the company?
JCN: (Long pause)
DB: That's ok if you don't remember.
JCN: (Laughs) I will be telling you sometime maybe. I had a problem with the Rwandan Government because they said we cannot accept their offer because there was already another company mining the mineral resources. They did not want the Russians to go in there. They asked me to pay six thous-...er, six million Rwandan Francs unfortunately. I refused. I was so angry. In the end, we had to negotiate and we paid four to five million for the startup costs.
DB: So at some point, you said you went home to...er, you said you accepted a job at the university in Gisenyi.
JCN: What happened to me was, after that, people from the MRND said, "This guy, Jean-Christophe is not helping so we have to work with someone else, we have to discuss directly with the Russians." They decided to remove me and send me to Gisenyi. Before I came back to
DB: Who asked you to go?
JCN: They were people from the MRND. One of them belonged to Habyarimana's family. They were angry with me, but I really don't want to talk about this. Actually, in 1993, this is why I decided to pursue my PhD studies in
JCN: The death of Habyarimana.
DB: You mentioned that you first had an offer to go abroad through the U.S. Embassy. How did you forge ties with the United States Embassy?
JCN: Ok, first of all, I needed books for my studies at the Institute so I got some contacts the embassy and they put me in touch with their Political Affairs officer named Linda. She told me there was no problem and she was going to help me. She said she could also get books from the
DB: But you honestly believed the Arusha Accords would work?
DB: Ok. So you told Linda Buggeln at the U.S. Embassy you were not going to go and the Arusha Accords were already signed but not implemented. Then there were a series of political assassinations in
JCN: As I told you before, the killings were part of the strategy of genocide, so that mass killings of Tutsi would occur in
The second step was to create strong tension between the people to prepare them for killing. You are going to ask me how. In the beginning, they started by killing the heads of prefectures. They watched the reaction from the government, from others, you know, the chairmen of political parties, and they saw Rwandans acting disciplined. Rwandans were not reacting to every single RPF attack, every assassination. So they said, "Ok, we have people in power that really have influence in this country. Let's start with them."
They started by killing Emmanuel Gapyisi of the MDR (Democratic Republican Movement) in May 1993.17 Gapysi was very intellectual and he was supposed to replace Habyarimana, as I understood it at the time. He was from the south, but was supported by Hutu in both the north and the south. He created a kind of a...he was in the right place at the right moment. The RPF saw that he was going to replace Habyarimana and possibly help unite Hutu in the north and the south, which was not in their interests.
Then in August 1993, the RPF decided to really raise tensions by killing Fidele Rwambuka, the Mayor of Kanzenze Commune from the MRND party. These assassinations were trigger points and each time the RPF killed one of them, they thought the militias of their political parties would react by killing Tutsi, which would allow the RPF to resume aggressions. When they killed Fidel Rwambuka, there were riots but no lynching, so nothing happened.
In February 1994, they killed Felicien Gatabazi of the PSD (Social Democratic Party). He was going home and the RPF killed him at the gate to his house. People say that Eric Hakizimana led the death squad that killed him. In 1993, when the RPF was killing people in the north and they attacked Ruhengeri, they destroyed the electricity source, water supply...they destroyed everything. Gatabazi, who was the Minister of Public Works, said, "We can't trust the RPF anymore. What they did is a crime against humanity. How could they do this knowing that ninety percent of the population used that water? Why did they destroy it?"18 After he said that, he was killed because the RPF knew they would no longer have his support. You see, he went too far because he sent the Abakombozi19 to train with RPF soldiers in Mulindi. They thought he had no right to criticize them. That's why they killed him.
After he was killed, Abakombozi militias of the PSD got angry and started riots with the CDR (Coalition for the Defense of the Republic)20 militia, the Impuzamugambi21, who they thought had killed Gatabazi. This was just what the RPF wanted. See, after Gatabazi was killed, the RPF began using Radio Muhabura to spread lots of rumors about who had done it. Infiltrators in
Still, Habyarimana did not believe it. He told everybody to stop the riots because this is exactly what somebody wants us to do. We must stop. Everybody did stop, but divisions were created between the parties. It also made the Rwandan conflict look like a civil war to the outside world and that is what the RPF wanted. Unfortunately for them, the Hutu stopped rioting and they still did not kill Tutsi.
The next day, the RPF did a very smart move from their viewpoint. They killed Martin Bucyana, the CDR's president. By killing the head of the "extremist" party, they thought for sure Tutsi were going to be killed because they knew the CDR would blame the RPF and kill Tutsi civilians who they thought were RPF infiltrators in revenge. Also, Bucyana was killed when he was travelling from Cyangugu to Butare in his own car. The RPF killed him knowing that, if he was killed in the area where Gatabazi was born, the CDR might also blame the Abakombozi for the killing and the Abakombozi would start riots with the CDR militias again. At the same time, Radio Muhabura said the Hutu militias were responsible to make sure there was mass confusion. The RPF also got help from the international community, who were only saying in the press that Bucyana was an extremist, like he deserved to be killed. That way, nobody cared that he was killed and nobody would ask questions about who really killed him.
The RPF was increasing tensions to get an explosion of violence. I myself can say that tensions were much worse after each political killing. Sometimes during the latest riots after Bucyana's death, there was lynching. After that, people did not want to be around anyone they didn't know. You would go to a new place, for example a bar, and the people there would say to you, "Who are you? Don't you know the RPF is going to be here in two weeks? Get out of the bar!" Then people, including infiltrators, were going around telling Hutu, "You have to get armed, the enemy is increasing every day." Infiltrators were also committing random killings in the city. They would drive by somewhere on a motorcycle and use a grenade somewhere that people had gathered.
Myself, I had Tutsi family friends, but we became divided by stereotypes. While all of this is going on, one of these politicians were killed, somebody's friend and a member of a powerful political party. The RPF expected people to react! Still, it did not happen! The RPF and its allies were very angry with that. They did not understand what kind of people they were dealing with.
DB: Where the FAR and Presidential Guard compromised by RPF infiltrators by the time President Habyarimana was killed?
JCN: I really don't know for sure but I do not think so. Other units were infiltrated but not the Presidential Guard. The RPF did offer Major Ntabakuze millions of dollars to work for the RPF, but I was told he refused.
So the final step, the final job, was to kill President Habyarimana, the president's staff, and DÃ©ogratias Nsabimana, the FAR Chief of Staff who went with him to
The country had not only Tutsi, who were financing the RPF, but you had infiltrators, RPF infiltrators in so many places. You must know Valens Kajeguhakwa, who was with the RPF, said they even used priests to hide RPF weapons in churches. Everyone knew this and unfortunately, the Hutu militias found documents and RPA identity cards on many people in the churches and that is why so many people believed this and killed so many people in the churches. They realized they had been betrayed and because of the tension, because of the situation after the killing of President Habyarimana, the FAR and gendarmes were unable to control the militias. The country was beheaded and the genocide could only be planned by someone who knew the consequences of the 6th of April and it was not a surprise to anyone to see the RPF attack in
DB: President Habyarimana had a famous nickname did he not?
DB: He was called, "Ikinani."
DB: The Invincible.
JCN: The Invincible. What that means, he said so because when he went to Ruhengeri, he said that at the time we had many political parties in the country. So they had to go and vote. He had been in power for many years and he said he was going to stay there. He also said to everyone, "My Interahamwe are going to win." Radio Muhabura told everyone Habyarimana was not invincible to the RPF. The truth is, people who wanted democracy would never have voted for the RPF over Habyarimana, and he knew that. So the RPF knew they had to somehow mobilize opinion against the MRND.
1 Note: The Bagogwe are a sub-group of Tutsi pastoralists who live in northwestern
2 Note: Jill Rutaremara is currently the Military Spokesman for the RPA.
3 Note: In pre-colonial times, before the ethnic (or racial within
The only possible exceptions were the Abanyiginya and Abega clans. However, originating from one of these clans does not afford an elevated social status to its members because other sub-divisions within the clan, such as lineage, are more indicative of social status. Rwandan mythology says these two clans hold a sacred origin because the Rwandan Kings were chosen from these clans. In pre-colonial times, the King was believed to be a divine being sent by God and was considered to be the physical embodiment of
The RPF itself was considered an inzu (lineage) to its Tutsi members when it was founded, giving them a new, but distinctly Rwandan identity. Rwandan lineages are not ethnically mixed; they are exclusively Hutu or Tutsi. Lineage does have a bearing on social status in Rwandan culture and RPF members were strongly encouraged to feel a common bond with each other. If this context is taken literally, the RPF/RPA is a family, with President Kagame as the "King" or figurehead.
The RPA soldiers called themselves 'inkotanyi,' meaning "fighter," "invincible ones," or "struggler." Originally the term referred to the militia of a 19th Century Tutsi king who beat Hutus into submission and it was originally considered a derogatory term. ("Terror Surrounds
Paul Kagame is a member of the former Tutsi monarchy's royal bloodline. His father, Deogratius Kagame, was related to King Charles Mutara Rudahigwa. Mr. Kagame remained a close friend of the King's during the early part of his career. He was so well-connected and respected, he was even offered the opportunity to become a chief but he turned down the offer. President Kagame's mother Madame Asteria Kagame, was a sister of King Rudahigwa's wife, Queen Rosalie Gicanda. (Waugh, Colin M. "Paul Kagame and
Historically, it is noteworthy the Abega and Abanyiginya clans (the two largest clans in
Dr. Helmut Strizek, an expert witness for the ICTR, revealed President Kagame is the highest ranking living member of the Ega royal family. The Ega family is one of four Rwandan lineages called Ibibanda who produce the royal spouses. When the Ega lineage (inzu) was in charge of the Rwandan monarchy in the very early 1900s, they were attacked from
King Rudahigwa died in 1959 just after receiving a vaccine from a Belgian doctor right before he was leaving to travel to the U.N. and plead for
The majority of the royal family went into exile and King Kigeli V currently lives in
Paul Kagame was close to his aunt. While he was exiled in
In 1998, the King asked (then) Vice President Kagame allow him to return to his country as the rightful king and install a transitional government with equal representation for Hutu and Tutsi. However, the newly ratified Rwandan Constitution (2003) has a specific clause forbidding the King's return to
Though King Kigeli V denied their existence, there were persistent rumors of a so-called "Army of the King," (Ingabo Z'umwami) who will take up arms to restore the royal monarchy. Notably, some of the King's political supporters abroad are former members of
On the other hand, others believe the "Army of the King" is a creation of the RPF that was used to label political opposition as dissidents in order and justify their expulsion from
Mr. Sebarenzi became very popular among both Hutu and Tutsi genocide survivors and it was said he had a legitimate chance of becoming the president of
The following month, the majority members forced Mr. Sebarenzi to resign from the National Assembly. Politicians claimed it was because of "misconduct" and quickly escalated the charges to include the recruitment of soldiers to join the "Army of the King" and organizing genocide survivors against the Transitional Government. Vice President Kagame announced on Radio Rwanda there was "credible evidence" of Mr. Sebarenzi's association with "royalists," but no evidence was presented, nor was the existence of the "Army of the King" even proven (or disproven) publicly. Fearing for his life, Mr. Sebarenzi fled his homeland and now resides in exile. (Ibid.) He has since founded the Alliance Rwandaise pour la Renaissance de la Nation (ARENA).
4 Note: In addition to the murders mentioned above, numerous other U.N. and NGO workers were murdered by the RPA in 1997 and 1998. What follows is a U.N.-compiled chronology, including the aforementioned victims. Note the U.N. has not publicly named the RPA as the perpetrator in some of the killings.
19 January 1997: Three Doctors of the World personnel, Dr.Manuel Madrazo, Maria Flors Sirera, and Luis Valtuena, were killed. An American project coordinator, Nitin Madhav, was injured when their compound in Ruhengeri was attacked. All four people were working on a health and reintegration assistance program in the
02 February 1997: A Canadian Roman Catholic priest who condemned human rights abuses by the RPF was killed in northwestern
04 February 1997: Four U.N. human rights monitors, Graham Turnbull, Sastra Chim Chan, Jean-Bosco Muyaneza, and Agrippin Ngabo were killed. The two international and two local staff members were killed during an ambush in their two well-marked U.N. vehicles in the Karengera sector of
08 June 1997: World Vision
14 June 1997: Mr.Didace Nkezagera, a World Food Programme (WFP) Field Officer, was killed on the night of 14/15 June 1997, along with his wife, child, and member of his family in the Rubange Sector, of Kigombe Commune, located 8 kilometers from Ruhengeri. In a separate incident, Mr. Jean de Dieu Murwanashyaka, a WFP tally clerk, was killed by a gunshot after being arrested by two soldiers on 9 June 1997. [WFP]
19 June 1997: Mr. Felicien Bucyekabili, a driver for the UNHCR, was killed in the Gashangoiro Sector of Kigombe Commune, located 7 kilometers from Ruhengeri town. He was killed by gunmen firing through the window of his residence. [UNHCR]
06 July 1997: A World Vision staff member, Felicien Rudacyahwa, 42, was killed when gunmen attacked his hometown in Ruhengeri. [WV]
22 October 1997: A WFP driver transporting emergency relief food was killed during an attack by assailants at a military checkpoint. The truck was part of a military-escorted relief food convoy transporting WFP food rations from
12 March 1998: Three Action for Churches Together (ACT)/Lutheran World Federation (LWF) staff members were killed. They died in an armed assault near the border with
("Chronology of Humanitarian Aid Workers Killed in 1997 - 2001," Dennis King. Reliefweb. 15 January 2002. http://www.reliefweb.int/symposium/NewChron1997-2001.html.)
5 Note: Please visit http://www.veritasrwandaforum.com for further details.
6 Note: Also see the testimony of 2nd Lieutenant Aloys Ruyenzi, a former member of the Presidential Guard on this matter: "President Paul Kagame is Indeed a War Criminal." Open Letter by Aloys Ruyenzi. 18 January 2005.
7 Note: There is a group of Hutu insurgents called the Rastas active in the
There is evidence the Rasta worked with Rwandan authorities. Sources have testified that cassiterite mined, stolen, or purchased by the Rastas was flown by helicopter to
During the 2nd Congo War (1998-2003), some of the Hutu prisoners were used by RPA and ex-ANC soldiers as slave labor in
8 Note: 5,000 Rwandan Francs are roughly equivalent to $10.00 (
9 Note: Rose Kabuye was the highest ranked woman in the RPA and she fought alongside General Kagame from the beginning. She held several high-profile government positions and is currently the Director General of State Protocol. She is named in Judge BrugiÃ¨re's report as one of the RPA officers responsible for the shoot-down of President Habyarimana's plane.
10 Note: Shortly after the killings, different versions of what happened began to emerge. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) sent agents to investigate and the RPF arbitrarily arrested several Hutu from the countryside homes and tortured them into confessing to the tourist killings. They were all released from prison earlier this year and have been granted asylum in the
11 Note: An iKinyarwanda word meaning "Hutu insurgents."
12 Note: Several of the Australian UNAMIR soldiers' testimonies are available online. Please visit http://warriordoc.com/rwanda/kibeho.htm and read "Witness to Genocide - A Personal Account of the 1995 Kibeho Massacre," Paul Jordan. Australian Army Journal. http://www.anzacday.org.au/history/peacekeeping/anecdotes/kibeho.html; "Remembering the Forgotten Diggers." National Nine News. NineMSN.
14 Odom, Thomas P. "Journey Into Darkness: Genocide in
15 Ibid. pg. 228-229.
16 Ibid. pg. 230-231.
17 Note: The contemporary MDR party originated from the MDR-Party of the Hutu Emancipation Movement (MDR-PARMEHUTU), created by Rwanda's first president GrÃ©goire Kayibanda in October 1959 out of the Mouvement Sociale Muhutu. The majority of its members were Hutu from the southern half of
18 Note: During a meeting at Butare Huye Stadium in Butare, he publicly distanced himself from the RPF and expressed the independence of the PSD party. (Private Correspondence. 2007.)
19 Note: The Abakombozi (meaning "liberators" in Kinyarwanda) was the youth militia of the Parti Social Democrate (PSD). The PSD was considered a moderate party primarily comprised of Hutu from the south. The PSD was accused of working for the RPF as late as 2005, but Chairman Biruta denied these allegations. ("Social Democrats Deny Operating Under RPF," Felly Kimenyi, Magnus Mazimpaka. The New Times. 11 October 2005.)
20 Note: Created in early 1992, the CDR was billed as an "extremist" party that openly preached a genocidal ideology. Founded by Jean Shyirambere Barahinyura, the CDR was responsible for much of the Hutu Power movement's media propaganda. They were involved in the infamous Radio TÃ©lÃ©vision Libre des Mille Collines ("Thousand Hills") a.k.a. RTLM Radio and the Hutu Power publications like Kangura ("Wake it Up") and Le Courrier du Peuple. Like the MRND(D), the CDR also created its own civilian militia called the Impuzamugambi ("Those with a single purpose").
21 Note: A Kinyarwandan word meaning "Those with a single purpose." (see above footnote)
22 Note: 2nd Lieutenant Aloys Ruyenzi, who served in General Kagame's High Command Unit as his personal bodyguard, testified in a written statement that General Kagame personally ordered the attack on President Habyarimana's plane at a meeting on 31 March 1994 that he personally attended. (Ruyenzi, Aloys. Written Testimony of Aloys Ruyenzi. English Translation. 5 July 2004. http://www.grandslacs.net/doc/3092.pdf. Note: Must have Adobe Reader to view.)