The Cambodia Industry
By Noam Chomsky at Dec 20, 2006 |
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Below is an exchange that took place in the ZNet Sustainer Forums where Noam interacts with the forum users. The question posed to Noam, and related material cited, is further below in this blog post. Here is Noam's response to the question...
Noam Chomsky: I have no record or memory of the posting below, dated in January. And I'm confident that I did not receive it, because it is the kind of posting I would have answered at the first opportunity, not because of its merit (on which, below) but because of the significance of the general phenomenon of which it is yet another illustration -- and, incidentally, an illustration that appears to have been dropped from the litany many years ago, I suspect out of embarrassment.
I know nothing about Bruce Sharp, and have no time to access the link or in fact anything from the huge torrent of charges about Cambodia that derive from one of many industries of denunciation, from many different quarters. They would take 48 hours a day if I bothered with them. No one does that, or is expected to, in professional life either. It would be an impossible and pointless task, for anyone who does anything in the least controversial. In the case of the Cambodia industry, I did respond to much of the hysteria and deceit elicited by what Edward Herman and I wrote (as did he), but I stopped paying attention years ago because the industry was simply re-cycling charges that we had already answered. However, if someone wants to bring something specific to my attention, I do respond. As I will show below, the one excerpt from Sharp's article below keeps to the standards of extreme dishonestly of the industry.
On the phrase "Cambodia industry," adapted from Norman Finkelstein, see below.
It is interesting that in the reams of industry denunciations brought to my attention, no one has found anything mistaken or even misleading in the 1977 review-article or in our follow-up chapter in Political Economy of Human Rights (PEHR) or in anything else we have written on the matter jointly or individually. If you (or anyone) thinks there is something else in Sharp's comments that merits attention, then I'll be happy to consider it and respond, if you send it to me, either here or privately, and I presume Ed Herman would be too. But no one, ever, can be expected to respond to what is posted somewhere or even appears in print. To repeat, no one ever is expected to do that, whether in professional or political life, and certainly not when it becomes an industry -- in this case, an extremely interesting industry, casting a dazzling light on the deeply rooted imperial mentality and the dedication to serve state power and atrocities. I'll discuss the general context briefly below, as often before, after a few comments on the posting you included, which refers to a review-article by Chomsky and Herman, Nation, June 25, 1977.
Our article discussed commentary on postwar Indochina through 1976, all that was available at the time we wrote in early 1977. One part of the article was about Vietnam, reviewing the familiar pattern: material that was generally positive about early reconstruction efforts was completely ignored, even when it was from highly regarded specialists on Vietnam. Meanwhile the US role in destroying Vietnam was largely ignored or downplayed. An illustration is the NY Times report we cited about "substantial tracts of land made fallow" -- to translate to English, utterly devastated by US bombing. To date, I have seen no comment on this part of our review-article.
The most striking case, perhaps, was the book on postwar Vietnam we cited co-authored by Jean Lacouture, based on direct observation as well as his specialist knowledge. Revealingly, though he was ignored in the area of his expertise (critical, but fairly positive about Vietnam, hence doctrinally unacceptable), he was very widely and prominently quoted on Cambodia, based on a review of Francois Ponchaud's Cambodge annee zero, in which every single reference to the book was grossly falsified, as he conceded -- while he also added that he didn't think it mattered if his estimate of deaths in Cambodia was too large by a factor of 100, a statement that elicited no concern that I could detect (except ours). You can imagine the reaction if anyone were to say something like that about the crimes of the US or some other favored state.
The review-article then turns to Cambodia, discussing media reports and the three books that were then available: Hildebrand-Porter (H-P), Ponchaud, and Barron-Paul. The review of media reports reveals the same pattern: for example, eager repetition of what were conceded to be defamatory lies. Our review of Ponchaud was the first to appear in the US, though the book, as noted, was very widely cited on the basis of Lacouture's (conceded) falsifications. We praised the book as "serious and worth reading, as distinct from much of the commentary it has elicited," also raising a few questions about it -- in each case, later shown to be serious errors in the book. In the American translation a year later, Ponchaud thanked me for praising his book, and praised me in turn for "the responsible attitude and precision of thought" revealed in everything I had written (or co-authored with Herman) about Cambodia, including the review-article and subsequent correspondence, which revealed many errors that he corrected in the American translation. Note that I say "American": not "English," or "other translations." The reason is discussed in PEHR, revealing Ponchaud's extraordinary contempt for the reigning intellectual culture in England and the continent -- justified, as it turned out. On Barron-Paul, we gave a few illustrations of how it was worthless, basically agreeing with reviewers who knew anything about the topic. We gave many further and quite remarkable illustrations in PEHR. Barron-Paul remained the main source on Cambodia for the general public, Lacouture's falsified review for the educated classes. See PEHR for much more on the topic.
One of the four questions we raised about Ponchaud's book in our review-article was his apparent serious exaggeration of deaths due to the US bombing. His book cited no sources, but H-P did, and by using their sources, we were able to suggest the probable cause of Ponchaud's error. It is interesting that in the flood of denunciations of the review-article, including the posting here, no one has ever criticized our correction of Ponchaud's exaggeration of US crimes, or faulted us for using the documentation in H-P to correct the error. That is instructive. It reveals, once again, that it is not only legitimate but essential to correct inaccurate charges against the US, while it is utterly criminal to correct false charges against an official enemy. And reliance on H-P for the worthy purpose of correcting charges against the US passes without notice on the part of those who denounce us for accurately and appropriately citing H-P. As in the posting below.
The posting, and excerpt from Sharp, express outrage over our citation of H-P, the only scholarly study then available. They omit the most crucial facts, among them our citation of H-P to correct exaggerations of US crimes, but others that are far more significant. Namely these:
As we noted, the foreword to H-P was written by the leading Southeast Asia scholar George Kahin, the founder of the modern scholarly discipline, who wrote that "anyone who is interested in understanding the situation obtaining in Phnom Penh before and after the (US-backed) Lon Nol government's collapse and the character and programs of the Cambodia Government that has replaced it will, I am sure, be grateful to the authors of this valuable study," which concentrates on the effects of "the heavy American bombing" and its consequences: "a significant amount of starvation," destruction of "many of the richest farming areas" (adding that Washington refused to allow food stocks to be replenished to the urban population), and other US crimes to which the new government reacted not by "some irrational ideology," but with "pragmatic solutions by leaders who had to rely exclusively on Cambodia's own food resources and who lacked facilities for its internal transport." The major contribution of the book, Kahin writes, apart from its account of living conditions at the end of the US assault in April 1975, is its "extensive analysis of how in the years leading up to the National United Front's assumption of power, it managed to turn a shattered rural economy into a strong enough base from which to wage a successful war against Lon Nol's American-supported regime, and then move rapidly on to develop the extensive additional agricultural resources that enable it to feed an urban populace nearly as large as the predominantly rural population previously under its control." That was the judgment of the leading Southeast Asia scholar concerning the book we dared to mention in reviewing all the books then available. And it is omitted from the posting, in standard industry style.
Also omitted is the crucial matter of timing: Kahin refers to the period before the Khmer Rouge takeover, and the few weeks that followed. The reason is that the book went to press shortly after the KR takeover, as the footnotes to which Sharp refers triumphantly make explicit. It was, in fact, the only study available -- and may still be -- of the state of Phnom Penh as the US assault came to an end, and what led to this miserable situation.. As we wrote, the book was ignored, given its topic, in accord with systematic practice.
When we wrote the review-article, it was too early to cite the analyses by the leading Asia specialist of the Washington Post, Lewis Simon, and the similar analyses by State Department intelligence, agreed on all sides to be the most knowledgeable source. In PEHR we cited these and other studies by recognized and respected specialists, all contradicting the standard stories that were circulating on the basis of falsified reports. Among others, we cited the report to Congress after our article appeared by the two leading State Department Cambodia watchers" (Charles Twining and Timothy Carney, confirmed by their superior Richard Holbrooke). They estimated that deaths were in the thousands or hundreds of thousands from all causes, primarily from "brutal, rapid change," not "mass genocide," etc.; see PHER for further details, invariably omitted by the Cambodia industry. In Manufacturing Consent we cited the astonishing analyses by the CIA and the government's leading Indochina scholar, Douglas Pike, downplaying Pol Pot crimes, well after the flood of refugees in 1979 made it clear how atrocities had mounted severely in 1978. By the time of Pike's statement and the CIA demographic study, the US had of course turned to direct support for the Khmer Rouge and severe punishment of Vietnam for the crime of having ended Pol Pot atrocities as they were peaking. Not of interest to the Cambodia industry, though it is to Cambodia scholars. Michael Vickery, for one, wrote about it.
We now know a lot more about what happened during the years before the KR takeover in 1975. Just a few weeks ago, Znet published a very important article reviewing new official documentation on the US bombing of Cambodia. I think it is the first time this has appeared in the US. The study, by Ben Kiernan and Taylor Owen, appeared in the Canadian journal The Walrus. Kiernan is one of the most prominent Cambodia scholars, also director of the Yale University Genocide Project, which focuses mostly on Khmer Rouge atrocities from 1975 through 1978, when they were finally ended by the Vietnamese invasion as they were peaking. The new documentation, they report, reveals that the bombing was five times as heavy as what was reported, "making Cambodia even today the most heavily bombed country in history." The massive US attack on the peasant society played a major role in creating the Khmer Rouge, they report, updating what was already known from other sources. It was instrumental in turning the KR "from a small force of perhaps 10,000 in 1970 to over 200,000 troops and militia in 1973," and more later as the US bombing continued, ferociously, via the Lon Nol government. These crucial revelations are of course of great interest to anyone concerned with the people of Cambodia. They also bear on what Kahin and H-P book record about their topic: Cambodia up to the end of the US war. The silence with which the Kiernan-Owen has been greeted provide yet another indication of the actual concern of the industry for the fate of Cambodians.
To summarize, we were exactly correct in our review-article in summarizing the basic content of the one scholarly source available, H-P, and the praise for it by the most respected Southeast Asia scholar, all referring throughout to the pre-takeover period and the few weeks afterward: that is, to the effects of US crimes in Cambodia, now known to be vastly greater than even what had been assumed at the time. So much for the posting and what it cites.
Turning to the more general context, I have been using the phrase "Cambodia industry," adapted from Norman Finkelstein's very important study The Holocaust Industry. Finkelstein distinguishes between "Holocaust studies" and the "Holocaust industry." The former consists of extremely valuable scholarly work, initiated by Raul Hilberg, which has brought to light the hideous truth of this incredible crime. The latter consists of those who exploit the tragic events for political or personal gain, caring little for the victims, as their behavior demonstrates. Similarly, we can distinguish Cambodia studies -- a serious branch of scholarship from which we have learned a great deal about the terrible fate of Cambodia from the early days of the Indochina wars until today -- and the Cambodia industry, which concentrates laser-like on the years of KR rule (1975-1978), ignoring the massive US crimes that led to the hideous circumstances of early 1975 (and contributed signicantly to the rise of the KR), and Washington's turn towards direct support of the KR, military and diplomatic, while punishing Vietnam for the crime of ending the atrocities. There are fairly simple criteria to distinguish the products of the industry from the work of those who care about the people of Cambodia. I have just given a few illustrations. In the review-article there are some others. We greatly amplified the account in PEHR, and reviewed and updated it a decade later in Manufacturing Consent. New and dramatic illustrations regularly appear, the Kiernan-Owen study and the reaction to it being the most recent.
It is also worth recalling the more general context. Here Edward Herman's distinction between "worthy" and "unworthy" victims is pertinent. The "worthy victims" are those whose fate we can attribute (often with distortion and deceit) to someone else, particularly official enemies. The "unworthy victims" are those for whose fate we are directly responsible. With a level of precision that is quite remarkable in complex human affairs, the worthy victims elicit most impressive laments, vast fabrications that are uncorrectable, and much posturing about the evil of others. The unworthy victims are either ignored, or their fate is minimized and attributed to their evil nature. The distinction is even more revealing when we consider the (obvious) fact that we can do something about the tragedy of the unworthy victims, very easily -- namely, by ending our participation in their torment -- while for the worthy victims we do very little if anything, so laments and posturing are a very safe stance. On the most elementary moral level, the unworthy victims who are ignored are far more important.
Cambodia illustrates the pattern quite well: when Cambodians were unworthy victims, pre-1975, their terrible fate elicited little media attention (we reviewed it in PEHR). When they switched to worthy victims after the KR takeover in mid-1975, there were instant charges of "genocide," and a torrent of fabrication and deceit -- and no one proposed to do anything to help them. When Vietnam ended their torture in 1978, and the US switched to support for Pol Pot, they became worthy victims of the Vietnamese, who had rescued them, and who we therefore had to punish severely. The record is most revealing.
Also very revealing is the reaction to the exposure of these patterns, not just in the case of Cambodia. To mention just one of a great many examples we have documented, the major focus of PEHR is on two huge atrocities in the same part of the world during the same years: the KR crimes in Cambodia, and the US-backed Indonesian invasion of East Timor (which of course continued, with horrifying consequences and constant US support, until mid-September 1999, when Clinton, under enormous international and domestic pressure, informed the Indonesian generals that the game was over, and they instantly withdrew -- teaching obvious lessons that cannot be comprehended). The comparison was quite fair. Our detailed study of East Timor and the reaction to our own crimes was completely ignored. The paired study of Cambodia under the KR and the reaction to the crimes of an enemy elicited enormous indignation in the Cambodia industries, and endless efforts to find at least something that could be criticized -- so far, a complete failure to my knowledge, when mendacity such as that just reviewed is dismantled.
It is also intriguing to see how Cambodia industry enthusiasts pretend not to understand that their reaction demonstrates that they are miserable apologists for the violence of their own state. The logic is transparent. We (accurately) compared Cambodia and East Timor, so claims that we downplayed atrocities in Cambodia reveal that those who issue those claims are downplaying the atrocities in East Timor -- crimes comparable to Cambodia in the years we reviewed, crimes for which they share responsibility then and later, and that they could have brought to an end, very easily, if the fate of human beings was their concern. The logic is elementary, but incomprehensible to the properly educated .There are innumerable other examples, reviewed elsewhere.
It is also useful to recall the (again obvious) point that the KR atrocities were highly functional for Western apologists for the violence of their own states. Within the Cambodia industry, the atrocities were exploited both to provide a depraved form of retrospective justification for the US wars in Indochina (including the crimes that were instrumental in creating the KR), and for the US atrocities then escalating in Central America -- to protect the people from "the Pol Pot left," in the phraseology of supporters of the crimes of their own states. Again, we have reviewed the matter in print, and I won't repeat.
One last comment. The preceding illustrates one of the crucial functions of the various industries, in Finkelstein's sense. Their advocates surely understand very well that mendacity and deceit require merely a phrase, when one is lining up with power. But correction takes time and effort. One service of the industries, doubtless intended, is to immobilize critics of the crimes of concentrated power. And the effort would be successful, if anyone were to pay attention. I'll repeat again that as in the past, I'll respond to specific claims and charges, but not to a reference to some essay or posting somewhere. That is not an appropriate request.
NC
ZNet Sustianer: Hi Noam,
I can't find a response from you on the question posed below and I had the identical query. I've been pressing acquaintances of mine to read your works and one of them sent me the same Bruce Sharp article that is mentioned in the attached posting: (http://www.mekong.net/cambodia/chomsky.htm#chii)
as an example of your doing precisely what you criticize: selection wrong or exaggerated data for the purposes of misleading people toward the conclusions you like.
If you've answered the challenge in previous work, just kindly point me there and I'll take it from there.. otherwise, your body of work will have at least one active challenge.
I know the Faurisson thing is a pure junk and I really enjoy having that one brought up for the fun of punching holes in it... But Bruce Sharp's work deserves a response in my opinion, either from you or Ed Herman.
Thanks.
On 1/28/2006 10:46:26 AM, Anonymous wrote:
In "Distortions at Fourth Hand" you and Ed Herman make the following comments about a book by George C. Hildebrand and Gareth Porter. Cambodia: Starvation and Revolution: The response to the three books under review nicely illustrates this selection process. Hildebrand and Porter present a carefully documented study of the destructive American impact on Cambodia and the success of the Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming it, giving a very favorable picture of their programs and policies, based on a wide range of sources. Published last year, and well received by the journal of the Asia Society (Asia, March-April 1977), it has not been reviewed in the Times, New York Review or any mass-media publication, nor used as the basis for editorial comment, with one exception. The Wall Street Journal acknowledged its existence in an editorial entitled "Cambodia Good Guys" (November 22, 1976), which dismissed contemptuously the very idea that the Khmer Rouge could play a constructive role, as well as the notion that the United States had a major hand in the destruction, death and turmoil of wartime and postwar Cambodia. In another editorial on the "Cambodian Horror" (April 16, 1976), the Journal editors speak of the attribution of postwar difficulties to U.S. intervention as "the record extension to date of the politics of guilt." On the subject of "Unscrambling Chile" (September 20, 1976), however, the abuses of the "manfully rebuilding" Chilean police state are explained away as an unfortunate consequence of Allendista "wrecking" of the economy. In his article "Averaging Wrong Answers: Noam Chomsky and the Cambodia Controversy" Bruce Sharp is very critical of this.( http://www.mekong.net/cambodia /chomsky.htm#chiii ) He writes the following:
At only 124 pages, Starvation and Revolution is a slim volume. Describing the reports of atrocities in Cambodia as "systematic process of mythmaking," Hildebrand and Porter present a glowing depiction of the Khmer Rouge. The authors assert that the charges of starvation in Cambodia are unfounded: "It is the officially inspired propaganda of starvation for which no proof has been produced... Thus the starvation myth has come full circle to haunt its authors."(11) The Khmer Rouge, according to Hildebrand and Porter, were rebuilding the country quite effectively, implementing a "coherent, well-developed plan for developing the economy."(12) A few of the book's omissions should be noted. The book makes no mention of public executions. It makes no mention of the forcible separation of children from their families, no mention of the separation of husbands and wives, no mention of the repression of ethnic minorities, no mention of restrictions on travel, or the abolition of the mail system. Put simply, the book bears no earthly resemblance to the reality of communist Cambodia.........
........But what about the sections of the book dealing specifically with the Khmer Rouge? The primary sources for these chapters: The Khmer Rouge. The book's last fifty footnotes, from the chapter on "Cambodia's Agricultural Revolution," provide an excellent case in point. Out of these 50 citations, there are 43 that pertain to the Khmer Rouge regime. Of these, 33 can be traced directly to the Khmer Rouge sources. Six more come from Hsinhua, the official news agency of Communist China, i.e., the Khmer Rouge's wealthiest patron. Two come from an unnamed source, described only as "a Cambodian economist." And the remaining two references? Both come from Le Monde: one is a dubious estimate of future rice production, and the other simply notes that, in the future, large rice paddies would be subdivided, "giving the country the appearance of an enormous checkerboard." This criticism has been used by some to demonstrate that you were ignorant of what was happening in Cambodia at the time, and some have exaggerated this and said you were an apologist for the Khymer Rouge. The article itself is very critical, but this criticism seems to be the most significant. Would you agree that your decision to write a favorable article about this book at the time was a mistake?
Sincerely.






Critique of Sharp
By Bloom, Howard at Jun 17, 2008 13:30 PM
Mr. Bloom-
The thesis is indeed a bold one and if correct, it would effectively discredit Chomsky as a public intellectual. However, upon closer inspection, the story is not as simple as Sharp presents.
Sharp begins his article with a raucous bang, writing
“Noam Chomsky, the man who has spent years analyzing propaganda, is himself a propagandist. Whatever one thinks of Chomsky in general, whatever one thinks of his theories of media manipulation and the mechanisms of state power, Chomsky\'s work with regard toCambodia has been marred by omissions, dubious statistics, and, in some cases, outright misrepresentations. On top of this, Chomsky continues to deny that he was wrong about Cambodia . […] Consequently, his refusal to reconsider his words has led to continued misinterpretations of what really happened in Cambodia . Misconceptions, it seems, have a very long life.”[1]
Sharp is correct when he says that misconceptions have a very long life, particularly when they take this form, namely, the misconception that Chomsky in anyway supports or supported the Khmer Rouge, or that his work led to any misunderstandings regarding the history of their campaign of genocide and terror. Another misconception should be pointed out: the misconception that facts, and the methodology used to interpret those facts are one in the same. What is commonly misunderstood about Chomsky’s writings onCambodia is that he was primarily engaged in an effort to record the methodologies used by the Western media to interpret the facts on the ground in Cambodia . As Chomsky and Hermann explicitly stated in After the Cataclysm: Postwar Indochina & the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology, “our primary concern here is not to establish the facts with regard to postwar Indochina , but rather to investigate their refraction through the prism of Western ideology, a very different task.”[2] It would logically follow that the task of Chomsky’s critics would be to see if his analysis of the Western media’s methodology is accurate, not whether or not the narrative presented by the press turned out to be correct. Sharp is in a constant state of conflating fact with interpretation, truth with the application of evidence. His critique ultimately collapses as a result.
Sharp points to Chomsky’s “astuteness” in reviewing the consequences of the coup by Lon Nol and Sirik Matak\'s in 1970, which overthrew Prince Norodom Sihanouk, as well as his apparently prophetic predictions for the consequences of theU.S. invasion. However, Sharp cites Chomsky’s introduction to Malcolm Caldwell and Lek Tan’s Cambodia in the Southeast Asia War with regards to Chomsky’s apparent naïve perception that the revolutionary forces would bring about liberation and economic development and social justice. However, Chomsky’s quote only indicates the hope that this would be the case. The quote reads
"By the impulse it has given to the revolutionary forces, this vicious attack may have also prepared the ground, as some observers believe, not only for national liberation but also for a new era of economic development and social justice."[3]
At this stage, Chomsky’s view of the matter is simply a desire for things to get better inIndochina , not a prediction of things to come. This is the kind of subjective interpretation that characterizes the bulk of Sharps’ essay; when Chomsky’s work fails to meet the charges leveled against him; his words are simply construed to conform to the arguments of his detractors. Sharp then makes the claim that
“Early reports of Khmer Rouge brutality could, to some extent, be attributed to the natural consequences of warfare. Once the Khmer Rouge seized power, however, such rationalizations were no longer possible. Draconian measures were instituted immediately. Within hours of their victory, they ordered the complete evacuation ofPhnom Penh , and all other cities as well.”[4]
This claim is simply false. There was a great deal of confusion among journalists and scholars regarding the nature of the Khmer Rouge during the final period of the warfare, as well as during the evacuation ofPhnom Penh and even into the full genocidal-scale atrocities that followed. As Jamie Metzl documented in his authoritative study Western Responses to Human Rights Abuses in Cambodia , 1975-1980,
“AsCambodia ’s new leaders carried out their drastic attempt to recast Cambodian society, little information was available to those outside the country regarding these events. Although the days leading up to the fall of Phnom Penh had been covered extensively in Western newspapers, the sources of reliable information from within Cambodia were almost completely eliminated when communication links were cut and diplomats and foreign journalists interred in the French Embassy.”[5]
The historical record (including the analyses of academics as well as mainstream journalists) yields a very different picture than the image of a clear and unequivocal view of the Khmer Rouge as presented with the benefit of hindsight by Sharp.
The initial article that generated the torrent of criticism against Chomsky on this issue was co-authored with Edward Hermann; the article was Distortions at Fourth Hand, which was published in The Nation. Sharp is no exception to the belligerent responses to this article. In it, Chomsky and Hermann reviewed three books pertaining to the situation inCambodia . They were: Cambodia Year Zero, by Francois Ponchaud, Murder of a Gentle Land, by John Barron and Anthony Paul, and Cambodia: Starvation and Revolution, by George Hildebrand and Gareth Porter. In Chomsky and Hermann’s view, the “response to the three books under review nicely illustrates [the] selection process”[6] of the Western media. Chomsky and Hermann referred to Hildebrand and Porter’s book as “a carefully documented study of the destructive American impact on Cambodia and the success of the Cambodian revolutionaries in overcoming it, giving a very favorable picture of their programs and policies, based on a wide range of sources.”[7] This comment elicits a furious outcry by Sharp, who thinks Chomsky’s assessment is evidence of his pro-Khmer Rouge bias. Sharp writes
“The book does not contain even a single sentence critical of the Khmer Rouge. Chomsky and Herman make no note of this: Just as Hildebrand and Porter had nothing negative to say about the Khmer Rouge, Chomsky and Herman had nothing negative to say about Hildebrand and Porter. At only 124 pages, Starvation and Revolution is a slim volume. Describing the reports of atrocities inCambodia as a ‘systematic process of mythmaking,’ Hildebrand and Porter present a glowing depiction of the Khmer Rouge. The authors assert that the charges of starvation in Cambodia are unfounded: ‘It is the officially inspired propaganda of starvation for which no proof has been produced... Thus the starvation myth has come full circle to haunt its authors.’ The Khmer Rouge, according to Hildebrand and Porter, were rebuilding the country quite effectively, implementing a ‘coherent, well-developed plan for developing the economy.’”[8]
However, Sharp once again has fallen into the erroneous method of conflating fact with interpretation. A closer look at Hildebrand and Porter’s book, as well as Chomsky and Hermann’s review of the book is in order. First, Hildebrand and Porter’s book was published in 1976 when events inCambodia remained highly obscure. The book was the only academic study about the Khmer Rouge then available which adhered to acceptable standards of scholarship and research. Gareth Porter was the co-director of the Indochina Resource Center during this period, one of the most authoritative organizations covering the U.S. ’s involvement in Indochina . Furthermore, Chomsky and Hermann were by no means the only scholars to review Hildebrand and Porter’s book favorably. The prominent Southeast Asia specialist George McT. Kahin called Hildebrand and Porter’s account “the best informed and clearest picture yet to emerge,” and that the U.S. government had attempted to “suppress much of the pertinent information”[9] which also supports Chomsky and Hermann’s thesis of media bias. Note also that Sharp neglects to mention one of Chomsky’s key uses of Hildebrand and Porter’s book, namely to correct exaggerations of U.S. crimes.[10] What does this suggest? It suggests that Sharp’s presentation of Chomsky as a simple ideological propagandist doesn’t hold much water for the simple reason that he was a scholar attempting to review the factual record according to the best and most authoritative resources then available. This includes speculating about implausible numbers, reviewing contradictions in reports and refugee testimonies, as well as critically reviewing academic studies according to the accepted standards of scholarship.
Sharp is particularly critical that Chomsky and Hermann did not reap praise on Francois Ponchaud’s Cambodia Year Zero in the same way that the mainstream media did. Chomsky was hesitant to defer to Ponchaud’s account on the grounds that it was primarily an account of refugee interviews and Cambodian radio broadcasts which offered little in the way of verifiable information. Sharp writes that “[t]he grounds for the claim that Ponchaud ‘plays fast and loose with numbers’ are absurdly trivial.”[11] He indicates that because Chomsky is suggesting that the number of victims caused byU.S. bombing was an exaggeration, his propaganda model must be false. However, what Sharp passes over is Ponchaud’s apparent disregard for the veracity of his sources. He quotes Ponchaud to the fact that, “[o]n the first anniversary of the liberation, April 17, 1976 , the authorities of Kampuchea declared 800,000 dead and 240,000 disabled as a result of the war.”[12] Apparently sharp thinks it is totally ridiculous and unforgivable when Hildebrand and Porter cite the authorities of Kampuchea and yet at the same time it is perfectly legitimate for Ponchaud to do so. Additionally, (as pointed out by Sharp) Chomsky never offered a blanket condemnation of Ponchaud’s book. On the contrary, he and Hermann described it as “serious and worth reading,”[13] and indicated that Ponchaud “also reminds us of some relevant history.”[14] But the general problem with Ponchaud’s book (as evinced by Chomsky), is that his analysis primarily relies on unverifiable radio broadcasts and refugee testimonies and that Ponchaud refused to document the accounts of refugees during the U.S. bombing campaign. Cambodia : Year Zero is a “careless” account of the situation in Cambodia and far from a serious academic study. Furthermore, Chomsky’s criticisms were echoed by Danish human-rights activist Torben Retb?ll, who accused Ponchaud of poor scholarship in the unattributed words of Chomsky.[15] Additionally, there were more criticisms provided in the New York Village Voice,[16] yet we find no reference or criticism of these mainstream sources from Sharp. What is more problematic about Ponchaud’s book than his minimalist approach to citing evidence is the fact that many of the refugee reports are utterly contradictory. As it is soberly pointed out by Michael Vickery in Cambodia : 1975-1982, Ponchaud reports:
“all refugees complain of the relentless, goading nature of the work,’ in which ‘no effort was made to spare [the human organism] and it was never given a day of wrest.’ But just a few pages earlier a pharmacist and his friend found that ‘since we weren’t very strong physically, the village chief sent us to work with the women’s group,’ and they were well treated; while other evidence indicated that ‘during…May 1975 people were apparently not forced to work.’ In another instance Ponchaud writes that ‘after a lengthy term in prison,’ a doctor was sent back to the fields, but in the following paragraph reports that ‘in Kampuchea there are no camps or prisons,’ only the death sentence;”[17]
The contradictions in Ponchaud’s report mount without a word from Bruce Sharp, who claims that “[t]he testimony of the refugees, and Ponchaud\'s analysis of Khmer Rouge policy, were entirely accurate.”[18] Either Sharp is careless in neglecting to review these contradictions or he is simply a liar. In any case, his position expresses the basic view that Chomsky’s refusal to endorse a book from an author without any scholarly or journalistic credentials which lacked any verifiable information and contained contradictory refugee testimonies is evidence of his apparent left-wing bias if not outright Khmer Rouge apologetics. You can decide for yourself whose position is more reasonable.
The final book reviewed by Chomsky and Hermann in Distortions at Fourth Hand was Anthony Paul and John Barron’s book Murder of a Gentle Land, which enjoyed wide distribution in Reader’s Digest. Chomsky and Hermann described the book as a “third-rate propaganda tract,”[19] for the simple reason that it is a third-rate propaganda tract as made obvious from the title alone. Sharp writes: “With vintage Chomsky disdain, they attempt to discredit the book with the snide remark that Barron and Paul ‘claim’ to have analyzed refugee reports.”[20] Let’s review the scholarship for a moment. Barron and Paul’s book is based primarily on visits to refugee camps arranged by a representative of the Thai ministry of the Interior,[21] where the refugees were subjected to the control of the virulently anti-communist Thai authorities. During this period, pressure was being applied in theUnited States from Congress to take action. Representative Steven Solarz called a special hearing in May of the Subcommittee on International Relations on the Cambodia situation. Peter Poole, David Chandler, John Barron, and Gareth Porter were invited.[22] Poole and Chandler claimed that the situation in Cambodia was difficult to judge, and that the U.S. was at least partially responsible for the conditions there. Barron presented the bloodbath version of events, claiming that “the people of Cambodia are being denied virtually all human rights.”[23] Several problems arise from Barron and Paul’s book. The most important, is their use of a quote from an exchange between Khieu Samphan and an Italian journalist from Famiglia Christiana, which reads
“In five years of warfare more than one million Cambodians died. The current population ofCambodia is five million, before the war the population numbered seven million. What happened to the remaining million?’ ‘It’s incredible,’ Khieu replied, ‘how concerned you Westerners are about war criminals.’”[24]
Chomsky and Hermann’s own deconstruction of this quote is informative. As they write in After the Cataclysm:
“Timothy Carney, a State Department specialist onCambodia , testified before Congress, without qualifications, that ‘in a 1976 interview with an Italian magazine, Khieu Samphan said that there were 5 million people in Cambodia .’ Given roughly 1 million killed or wounded during the war (a ‘close’ estimate, according to Carney), and a prewar population on the order of 7-8 million, we have over a million postwar deaths (i.e., victims of the Khmer Rouge, with a little further sleight-of-hand). As Carney notes, the alleged estimate of 5 million by Khieu Samphan contradicts the estimate by the Cambodian government that the population is 7.7 million, but he offers no explanation for the discrepancy.”[25]
In addition to this discrepancy, Father Ponchaud himself wrote in August, 1977 that he “knows for certain” that the interview never took place.[26] What is particularly striking about this admission is that Barron and Paul indicated that one of their primary fact-checkers was Ponchaud himself. Barron said: “Ponchaud assisted us extensively in our interviews inFrance . He compared data with us, criticized our work, and challenged in some cases our findings.”[27] In addition to this admission, we must look at the credentials of John Barron himself. According to Jamie Metzl,
“John Barron was a staunch anti-communist believed by some to be working for the CIA, who had previously written a Cold War tract entitled KGB: The Secret Work of Soviet Agents. The propagandist language of Barron and Paul’s book and even its red cover, its absurd suggestion that Khieu Samphan’s sexuality offered an explanation for the violence in Democratric Kampuchea, and its use of the disputed Famiglia Christiana quote made it seem less than authoritative to those familiar with the complexities of the Cambodian situation. Elizabeth Becker, for example, called the book a ‘Cold War propaganda piece’ and Michael Vickery later went so far as to describe the book as part of a CIA plot to ‘discredit Cambodian Communism.’”[28]
Yet such criticisms do not find their way into Sharp’s analysis of Chomsky’s work. This is because they prove that Chomsky and Hermann’s denunciations of Barron and Paul were not only uncontroversial and often echoed by other writers and scholars, but they were also quite accurate and justified. Once again, Michael Vickery points to the overwhelming amount of problems with Barron and Paul’s crude methods. He writes that in addition to their blatantly unrepresentative sample of refugee reports, they
“could also have been more careful in examining reports of things their informants had not directly experienced, since some of them were rumors, now disproved, not facts. Thus the Communists, we now know, did not ransack and destroy all libraries, all printed matter, the Royal Palace, flinging documents into the streets or ‘tens…perhaps hundreds of thousands of books…into Mekong’; and the route taken by one of their informants, Ly Bun Heng, shows that he could not possibly have seen what was happening at any of those places […] A third story which we now know to be untrue, and which at some point in the chain of transmission to B/P [Barron/Paul] involved an outright lie, was of the new wave of executions ordered in October 1975 and picked up by the ‘radio monitors of several nations.’ The actual order then issued, and which presumably the monitors did pick up, was in fact to stop executions at local initiative. B/P’s quaint footnote on this is: ‘This information was obtained confidentially from three different foreign intelligence agencies’ (and missed by the CIA?)”.[29]
The case against Barron and Paul’s work goes on and on. Elizabeth Becker referred to the book as a “Cold War propaganda piece,”[30] and few scholars onCambodia defer to it in the contemporary literature. Yet Sharp insists that it is an accurate account of the situation in Cambodia at the time. He mentions that Barron and Paul’s refugee testimonies “could easily have been verified.” I suppose frivolous details like falsifying refugee reports are simply not worth mentioning.
Let us review Chomsky and Hermann’s assessment for the moment. They reviewed Murder of a Gentle Land negatively because of the suspect nature of the testimonies, the dubious nature of the Famiglia Christiana quote, and also because of Barron’s probable ties to theUS government. Not an unreasonable assessment. Chomsky and Hermann provided a mixed review of Ponchaud’s Cambodia Year Zero, describing it as “more serious” than Barron and Anthony[31] as well as “serious and worth reading,”[32] though they were skeptical as to Ponchaud’s application of death tolls as well as the inherently difficult nature of refugee testimonies and the lack of verifiable information in the book. Last is Hildebrand and Porter’s book, which Chomsky and Hermann praised on the grounds that it provided extensive documentation about the nature of the U.S. bombing campaign and was also praised by the leading Southeast Asia specialist George Kahin. Although the book proved to be an incorrect assessment of the Khmer Rouge, Chomsky’s endorsement of the book at the time was not naïve or unreasonable. Sharp once again employs the deceitful line of argument that fact is the same as interpretation. Chomsky and Hermann were merely reviewing the material according to the best means that were then available. Things were not at all clear as to the nature of the situation in Cambodia during this period, though Bruce presents the story as if there was no dispute regarding the facts on the ground in the academic community.
The controversy surrounding Chomsky’s writings on Cambodia escalated through a polemical exchange with Jean Lacouture who had published an account of Ponchaud’s book in The New York Review of Books, where Lacouture admitted that he had exaggerated the number of Khmer Rouge executions and subsequently corrected himself from “two million” deaths, to “thousands or hundreds of thousands.”[33] Chomsky and Hermann disagreed with Lacouture’s overly cavalier attitude regarding factual documentation. Ponchaud referred to the exchange in the preface of the American edition ofCambodia : Year Zero. Sharp is quick to cite the reference:
“Mr. Chomsky was of the opinion that Jean Lacouture had substantially distorted the evidence I had offered, and, considering my book to be \'serious and worth reading, as distinct from much of the commentary it has elicited,\' he wrote me a personal letter on October 19, 1977, in which he drew my attention to the way it was being misused by antirevolutionary propagandists. He has made it my duty to \'stem the flood of lies\' aboutCambodia -- particularly, according to him, those propagated by Anthony Paul and John Barron in \'Murder of a Gentle Land .”[34]
Notice for a moment, what Sharp doesn’t include. He does not include Ponchaud’s preliminary remark:
“With the responsible attitude and precision of thought that are so characteristic of him, Noam Chomsky then embarked upon a polemical exchange with Robert Silvers, Editor of the NYR, and with Jean Lacouture, leading to the publication by the latter of a rectification of his initial account.”[35]
Chomsky and Hermann provide Lacouture’s entire mea culpa in After the Cataclysm, with a great deal of discussion pertaining to the selection of evidence by the Western press. Sharp quotes Chomsky to the fact that, “Ed Herman and I responded to his challenge to me by saying that we thought that a factor of 1000 did matter.”[36] Sharp believes that this is evidence that Chomsky lied about the death toll inCambodia . He writes: “Since Lacouture had cited a figure of two million deaths, it would appear that Chomsky is implying that the real toll at that point was on the order of two thousand.”[37] Remember that Chomsky was responding directly to Lacouture’s correction from “two million,” to “thousands or hundreds of thousands.” Chomsky’s “factor of 1000” does not imply that he believed the death toll was 2000. The comment was a direct response to Lacouture’s apparent disregard for the difference between millions, and thousands. Furthermore, Chomsky and Hermann presented Lacouture’s entire mea culpa and indicated that he at least was not guilty of the “incredible moral lapse” of refusing to acknowledge the U.S. responsibility for the situation in Cambodia .[38] All that Sharp can refer to is Lacouture’s statement that Chomsky’s corrections had caused him “emotional distress.”[39] Never mind Lacouture’s initial and unabashed support for the Khmer Rouge or his blatant lack of respect for factual accuracy. Where are Sharp’s denunciations against Lacouture for supporting the Khmer Rouge and the consequences of their policies? As Christopher Hitchens writes in “The Chorus and the Cassandra,” published in the Grand Street Magazine: “Incidentally, Lacouture reduced his own estimate of deaths from ‘two million’ to ‘thousands or hundreds of thousands.’ Is this, too, ‘minimization of atrocities?’”[40] Sharp himself mentions that “Lacouture was hardly alone in his support for the Communists in Southeast Asia . Many in the West accepted the idea that the Communists would be ‘liberators’ freeing the masses from the servitude of imperialism.”[41] Why then, does Sharp still cling to the view that condemnation for the Khmer Rouge was practically monolithic and that Chomsky was the lone nut who dared to review the record in all their contradictions and misrepresentations? Many of Chomsky and Hermanns’ suspicions regarding the veracity of the evidence selected by the mainstream press during the early years of Democratic Kampuchea were subsequently confirmed. For instance, Michael Vickery is unequivocal in insisting that
“[i]n 1975-76 the STV [Standard Total View] was simply not a true picture of the country, and conditions could reasonably be explained as inevitable results of wartime destruction and disorganization. From 1977, on the other hand, DK chose to engage in policies which caused increasing and unnecessary hardship. Thus the evidence for 1977-78 does not retrospectively justify the STV in 1975-76, and the Vietnamese adoption of some of the worst Western propaganda stories as support for their case in 1979 does not prove that those stories were valid.”[42]
If Sharp knows that Chomsky and Hermann were not alone in reviewing the record of 1975-76 and that Chomsky examined the entire progression of Lacouture’s views regarding the situation in Cambodia in full (as made clear from the fact that Sharp repeatedly cites After the Cataclysm), then he must know that he was not engaged in a simple-minded campaign to pounce on anyone who dared to criticize the Khmer Rouge. Chomsky was doing what any competent scholar does; namely, review the factual record.
Sharp’s complaints diminish in competence as the essay proceeds. Sharp insists that many of Chomsky’s supporters have argued that Chomsky was comparing the treatment of media coverage ofCambodia with the coverage of the genocide taking place in East Timor at the same time. Sharp writes
“This, however, is not the argument advanced by Chomsky and Herman in 1977; there is no mention ofEast Timor , or any other comparable country, in "Distortions." The premise of the article is straightforward: the media was distorting the truth.”[43]
Although it is true that Chomsky and Hermann make no direct reference to East Timor in Distortions at Fourth Hand (which was not the subject of the article), they do refer to it repeatedly in After the Cataclysm.[44] Chomsky and Hermann write
“The coverage of real and fabricated atrocities inCambodia also stands in dramatic contrast to the silence with regard to atrocities comparable in scale within U.S. domains-Timor , for example.”[45]
It’s curious that Sharp would neglect to mention this fact in his diatribe. Unless he is of the sudden opinion that After the Cataclysm does not count (for whatever reason) as a work by Chomsky about the media coverage inIndochina , or he is simply omitting any sentence which Chomsky writes that does not conform to his thesis. One might say that Sharp’s work is somewhat “marred by omissions, dubious statistics, and, in some cases, outright misrepresentations” to use a familiar phrase.
Sharp continues with a transparently irresponsible exegesis of After the Cataclysm, where he repeats the view that the book was simply a vehicle for Chomsky and Hermann to prove that the Khmer Rouge’s brutal rule was simply a myth. Sharp quotes Chomsky and Hermann in the preface that, “[i]n a sense, the refugee flow fromVietnam in 1978 is comparable to the forced resettlement of the urban population of Cambodia in 1975.”[46] He comments that this remark is indicative of Chomsky’s “spin” on the history, asking “[h]ow is an exodus of refugees, voluntarily risking their lives to escape a communist regime, in any way comparable to the deadly forced march into the Cambodian countryside?” However, the context in After the Cataclysm in which Chomsky and Hermann make this remark is completely different than the context Sharp implies. Chomsky and Hermann write that “[t]he exodus was accelerated by intensifying conflict between Vietnam and China and by the disastrous floods of the fall of 1978, which had an extremely severe effect throughout the region,”[47] though this background is conveniently omitted by Sharp. The overarching argument of Chomsky in this section is that the West consistently attributes all of the crises in Indochina to Communism without looking at alterative factors, such as its own repeated aggression to the Vietnam , Laos , and Cambodia . Sharp applies the same slight of hand in discussing Chomsky’s criticism of Ponchaud. He quotes Chomsky and Hermann:
“It apparently has not been noticed by the many commentators who have cited Ponchaud\'s alleged sympathy with the Khmer peasants and the revolutionary forces that if authentic, it is a remarkable self-condemnation. What are we to think of a person who is quite capable of reaching an international audience, at least with atrocity stories, and who could see with his own eyes what was happening to the Khmer peasants subjected to daily massacres as the war ground on, but kept totally silent at a time when a voice of protest might have helped to mitigate their torture? It would be more charitable to assume that Ponchaud is simply not telling the truth when he speaks of his sympathy for the Khmer peasant sand for the revolution, having added these touches for the benefit of a gullible Western audience...”[48]
Yet he excludes their major point, namely their contention that “[a]s far as we know, however, during the years Ponchaud lived in Cambodia he never publicly expressed this sympathy and also apparently felt that no purpose would be served by any public comment or protest over the war-specifically, the foreign attack-while it was in progess;”[49] Sharp’s representation of Chomsky and Hermann’s commentary paints a picture that distorts their argument. His omission of Ponchaud’s known neglect with regard to theU.S. bombing campaign is actually reinforcement of Chomsky’s argument, not a refutation of it.
After a reprisal of the Chomsky- Lacouture exchange wherein Sharp contributes absolutely nothing substantive to his prior argument, he moves into a discussion of Chomsky’s alleged belief that the Khmer Rouge was not tyrannical because it had support among the peasantry. He quotes Chomsky and Hermann: “...how can it be that that a population so oppressed by a handful of fanatics does not rise up and overthrow them?”[50] And concomitantly, “the regime has a modicum of support among the peasants."[51] However, Sharp once again omits Chomsky’s quote from R.-P. Paringaux’s interview with a functionary of the Lon Nol regime that the “old people” who were with the Khmer Rouge during the war offer more support to the new regime”[52] Additionally, Chomsky refers to McGovern’s claim that the Vietnamese were unable to quickly remove the Cambodian regime from power. Sharp has repeatedly isolated Chomsky’s claims from their support and context to make them appear absurd and far-fetched. He stretches Chomsky’s claim that the Khmer Rouge had a “modicum” of support (now conceded by practically every mainstream study of the regime), to they had “popular support.” Nowhere do Chomsky and Hermann argue that the Khmer Rouge had “popular support” in After the Cataclysm.
Perhaps the only remaining complaint from Sharp which bears any semblance of accuracy is his use of Jamie Frederic Metzl’s study Western Responses to Human Rights Abuses inCambodia , 1975-80. The book documents the rate of media coverage during the years of Khmer rule by compiling the total number of articles from Washington Post, the New York Times, the Times of London, the Wall Street Journal, the Chicago Tribune, the Los Angeles Times, the New Orleans Times Picayune, and Le Figaro from 1975-1980. The rates of coverage indicate a diminution during the peak years of Khmer human rights violations, which is touted by Sharp as evidence of Chomsky’s misconstrued assessment of the U.S. media. However, Sharp neglects the crucial feature of the study: Metzl only begins assessing the quantity of coverage after the U.S. bombing of Cambodia had ended. If the quantitative analysis of media coverage had begun in 1969 when the U.S. ’s illegal campaign began, the analysis would look considerably different. Metzl’s book is in fact further evidence of Chomsky’s propaganda model, not a refutation of it. Once again, Sharp’s critique is simply a well disguised work of second-rate political deceit.
[1] Sharp, Bruce Averaging Wrong Answers.
[2] Chomsky, Noam and Edward Hermann. The Political Economy of Human Rights: Volume II. After the Cataclysm: PostwarIndochina & the Reconstruction of Imperial Ideology. Cambridge : South End Press, 1979. p. 139-140.
[3] Caldwell, Malcolm and Lek Tan: Cambodia in the Southeast Asian War, p. xi.
[4] Sharp, Bruce. Averaging Wrong Answers.
[5] Metzl, Jamie Frederic. Western Responses to Human Rights Abuses inCambodia , 1975-80. Oxford : St. Martin ’s Press, Inc., 1996. p. 21. <
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re my opinion...
By Kissenger, Clark at Aug 27, 2007 20:41 PM
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My opinion
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Aug 26, 2007 02:22 AM
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Bias with motive
By Shopping, Online at Jul 21, 2007 05:55 AM
Bias is OK, usually, and not only unavoidable but the only way in which we'll understand a situation and know what to do. If it was all just statistics, it would have no 'human' element and no one would be driven to do anything about it.
When bias becomes a problem is when people's motive is under question. The problem with some people is they really do have hidden agenda's and strange motives that are geared towards personal gain and not for any 'greater cause' or 'change for the better' whatsoever. Some people will just write a controversial book for controversy's sake, to get fame or at least become a known 'expert' on a particular opinion. This is politics through and through, of the bad and ridiculous kind that most of us get upset with.
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Committed to personal gain
By Shopping, Online at Jul 21, 2007 05:45 AM
I tell you, it upsets me that some people always have some form of hidden agenda that's not to the benefit of the rest of mankind... what I mean is I honestly don't understand people – socialist or democratic – that only support certain writings or certain opinions because they are their own opinions as well. Furthermore, what I mean, is that some people only accept a particular opinion because that opinion supports THEM in some sort of manner. It's an opinion that gets them praise, or power, or something or other, and that's the only reason why they have that opinion.
Even people who are committed to 'social change' are really very committed to just becoming famous as one who 'changed the world.' If your motive isn't change, but only fame, influence etc. then you've lost the plot already.
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Billiard
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Jul 20, 2007 09:24 AM
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ehh
By Warsztatów, Wyposa?aenie at Jul 14, 2007 09:04 AM
you ar really right
i agree with you in 100%
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My site
By Mebs, Katalog at May 07, 2007 12:26 PM
Thank you for your extension very interesting. it only works in Firefox. Keep up the good work. Greetings
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Democracy
By Kissenger, Clark at May 03, 2007 14:02 PM
Democracy is unnatural. In the wild the strongest individual is the leader and nobody elect him. He gets there by his own means. The weak make the herd. Democracy gives power to everybody. The votes are equal regardless of IQ, knowledge or anything. Enstein's vote is equal to Borat's vote.
~~
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This site is interesting and
By Gry, Torrent at Apr 30, 2007 05:12 AM
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reply
By Fetac, Adipex at Apr 24, 2007 09:34 AM
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By Loss, Weight at Apr 19, 2007 07:28 AM
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Victor - i agree too, but
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Apr 19, 2007 00:40 AM
Victor - i agree too, but it's not that i want to tell.
Hey owner, i still have recurrent problems with explore your site in Internet Explorer 4.0. please fix this problem. it's not very convinient to browse your site if there are no design :(
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I have always been
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Apr 08, 2007 08:11 AM
I have always been uncomfortable with any "truth" that requires acceptance without question and must be supported by laws preventing denial or even opposition in any form. This usually indicates that there are serious holes in the fabric of the argument being advanced - opposing arguments that those who push the dogma don't want you to consider or possibly even have knowledge of - and in fact are even willing to imprison you for publicly refusing to accept. So I am grateful for this introductory reference to the "other side of the argument".
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thanks to weight loss i am not a fatty anymore.
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Getting Out
By Secret, Language at Apr 01, 2007 03:20 AM
I think we should definitely get out of Iraq. One main reason we're there is so that Bush could 'do something' and in that way try to garner public support.
By pulling out and shutting up about it we'll have more cash for renewable energy sources and also get less Presidential Hot Air = doubly good for environmen
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Ignorance & Ad Homminim
By Office, Home at Feb 16, 2007 15:06 PM
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I understand it's hard for
By Nguyen238, Nguyen at Feb 13, 2007 14:24 PM
I understand it's hard for people like you to recognize your own hypocrisy, but your confused circular rhetoric trying to vindicate your socialist beliefs when confronted with reality (Cambodia under Khmer Rouge) must be a struggle to convince even yourself, Mr. Chomsky. You call people who recognize the Khmer Rouge's atrocities apologists for the USA govt, while at the very same time you yourself are being an apologist for the Khmer Rouge..that is when you are not all together denying the brutal extent of their genocide. Then you even go so far as to say it is the US's fault the Khmer Rouge came to power because we "set the conditions" for being involved in SE Asia...you can't bring yourself to recognize the Khmer Rouge came to power as a DIRECT RESULT of the congressional action to cut funding, which happened because of the Vietnam "peace" movement you were involved in. (Of course the peace movement was to allow the various communist regimes to indoctrinate and massacre the masses in peace.)
Ask any leftist American what is the worst thing that happened to Cambodia and they will overwhelmingly point to the US bombing (like you did.) Ask any Cambodian the same question and EVERY SINGLE ONE will say the 2 Million of their fathers, sisters, brothers, and mothers who were MURDERED by the reign of the Khmer Rouge. Are they also apologists for the US govt sir? You are a pathetic hypocrite. I hope you sleep well in your nice comfy American house. Better yet, jump in your nice little 60,000 dollar car and venture from your nice upper class neighborhood to a Cambodian neighborhood and ask anyone there for yourself.
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re : Language, Truth, and Logic
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 31, 2007 20:50 PM
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Language, Truth, and Logic
By Stergiou, Andrew at Jan 26, 2007 04:45 AM
Not withstanding spelling, grammar, punctuation, and content, most often at the top of my list of pet peeves is the manner express themselves all so often convoluted and vague, or ill founded and baseless for often I can not even connect the titles with what is written and said.
Perhaps I am one of those crude vulgar tastless proles who is not all that hip with the latest trends of slick verbal misrepresentations, but I took one look at the aforementioned writing above and it irked me. The aforementioned above lacking in standards which may now be forgotten but which at times I remember fonded. Not that I do not like Bukowski or Ginsberg or Kerrouac.
Did the whole English world stop speaking properly except to discuss in comment issues that s revolve around the petty pedantic issues of punctuation, spelling, and grammar? Was this a result of the GI bill, "democratization" of the higher eduaction system, TV, or the introduction of the "mass media" rather than have culture based on the written form because I find myself strangely enough agreeing with the likes of George Orwell on the issue of language.
Perhaps we need Comrade Pol Pot to put an end to the insanity that all to often is engendered by the stereotypes the Kymer Rouge allegedly perpetuated in that they arrested those who: wore glasses, spoke foreign languages, had contacts with foreigners, attended university, held government positions and jobs, were rich, famous, propertied, and god knows what for I too remember the cultural revolution and the mind sets that lead to extremism which set back revolution rather than advanced it just as the rambling writing above that causes me to wince in pain and suffering.
Perhaps I am not matriculated, acredited, nor officially a philosopher, and merely an insane poet artist musician but at least I understand that rather than disturbed and confused by what often presents itself as the left. Oh one day maybe I will be able to afford Dr. Chomsky works on language and then find the time to read them as:
Though I do not agree with Alfred J. Ayers, his "Language Truth and Logic" is a book I recommend than I doubt his fans would reccomend the related work of George Novack as I do of Empiricism and its evolution as the biase of liberalism is well known for which I recomend George Orwell on the "Politics of Language" since 1948 it seems Liberals have forgotten how to read and write.
What happened to the likes of William James and the numerous others that at least had a well founded materialist foundation and basis to what they said, wrote, and read?
Lets close, in poetry prose, a rose is but a rose, a kiss is but a kiss,
most roses are red, some blue, some white, some yellow,
what are you? abstractions within abstractions,
deceits within deceits, in which words mean little, whatever that means, when we are the ones dying, those of means fly away, drive away, drive bye, bye bye Katrina, see you on a jet plane, take a spring break, ignoring what was said, cry without words, without meaning, without feelings, dead, we perceive, but are not here, in your imagination.
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Noam doesn't read this blog
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 24, 2007 07:48 AM
"There are a lot of wise people in US,why did they elect such stupid leaders?"
It's a good question. If you want Noam's opinion on this you can post it in the Znet sustainer forum: https://www.zmag.org/sustainers/
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re : Does anyone have some ideas
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 13, 2007 13:33 PM
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Cyrano, You are exactly
By Beringer-Newlin, Gretchen at Jan 12, 2007 03:36 AM
Cyrano, You are exactly right. We need everyone to make it all work. One voice is no more important than another.
Does anyone have some ideas (sources) discussing the feasibility of some kind of direct democracy? I see tiny glimpses of how it might work as I become involved with internet voting, MoveOn style priority setting, etc. If we have reps at all, they should be accountable to the people who elect them, required to tell the truth, etc. Otherwise, why should we bother with them at all?
--Hank
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What's Interesting About It?
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 11, 2007 09:09 AM
I'm not going to go on and on here, but there has always been a wing of orthodox Jews who are against the existence of the state of Israel because that can only happen with the return of the Messiah. Assuming you are for real, 666, and not a rightwing troller, I have to assume that you consider yourself Left. If so, those folks are not your allies.
Nor would Haider be your ally, I should think.
Look, it's really rather simple:
- Millions of Jews, and millions of non-Jews, died in the Nazi holocaust.
- Israel has, since 1948, and increasingly since 1967, treated the Palestinians abominably.
- Many in Israel and abroad, especially in America, use (consciously or not) the reality of the Nazi holocaust as a political shield against any criticism of Israeli actions (which Norman Finkelstein denotes as "the Holocaust" to differentiate between that and the real event, "the Nazi holocaust.")
One need not deny the reality of the Nazi holocaust to fight against #3. Or against an attack on Iran by either the US or Israel.Doug Tarnopol
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Victor, I agree there is
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 07, 2007 13:03 PM
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Jews Who Attended Holocaust Conference In Iran
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 07, 2007 11:56 AM
Thought you all might find this interesting (from an Israeli newspaper):
Neturei Karta delegate to Iranian Holocaust conference: I pray for Israel's destruction 'in peaceful ways'
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/810100.html
By Assaf UniBERLIN - It was only at the end of last week that Moshe Aryeh Friedman - by his own account, the chief rabbi of Vienna's Jewish community, but a "kook" and an extremist who represents only himself, according to Austria's established Jewish community - was able to return to his home in Vienna. Three weeks after his mysterious disappearance, following his participation in the Holocaust-denial conference in Tehran, Friedman denied in an interview with Haaretz that he had been arrested by the Iranian authorities, and claimed that his absence had been planned. Friedman explained his trip to Tehran as reflecting his desire to "show my respect to the members of my family who died in the Holocaust"; He also said he prays three times a day for the disappearance of the State of Israel - "in peaceful ways" - and that he would not deny Iran its right to develop nuclear power.
The Jewish and the ultra-Orthodox world is seething over the participation of six members of the Jewish anti-Zionist Neturei Karta group in the December 11-12 conference in Tehran, whose stated purpose was to "reexamine the Holocaust." The Internet has been flooded with the names and other information on three of the participants from New York, David Weiss, David Feldman and Yisroel Feldman, and with suggestions to harass them. In Manchester, there were demonstrations in front of the house of Aron Cohen, and its windows were broken; in Austria, too, the Jewish community hastened to disassociate itself from Friedman, whom it described as "posing for a number of years as the chief rabbi of Vienna." An open letter published by the umbrella organization of the Austrian Jewish community said Friedman, whom it characterized as a "kook," came to Vienna some years ago from Antwerp, and was never ordained as a rabbi. Friedman, for his part, claims that he is the scion of a rabbinic family going back to the days of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
In contrast to colleagues of his who were present at the conference, Friedman makes no apologies for his participation. In the phone interview from his home, he said "this was the first time in history that such an open event has taken place - and not one that exploits for political purposes the suffering of my family to legitimize the holocaust that the Israelis are bringing on another people [the Palestinians - A.U.]." According to Friedman, the conference was a "celebration of freedom of expression," and "Iran set an example to the whole world."
But his position in Vienna is different than the one he expressed in Tehran, where he was quoted as saying the Holocaust was a "successful fiction," and that it is "legitimate to cast doubt on some of the statistics" with regard to it. On Friday, Friedman claimed that he does not deny the fact that 6 million Jews were murdered in the Holocaust. His sudden change in position may be explained by fear over being prosecuted in Austria, where publicly doubting the Holocaust is a crime. This concern might also explain why he was detained in Tehran until December 24, and why he spent - by his own admission - the last two weeks in Denmark, known for its liberal laws of freedom of expression.
Friedman claimed he was detained because he was invited by the Iranian regime to another conference, in Isfahan, and that he flew to Denmark to participate in "interfaith dialogue." However he refused to give any precise details about his location. He was also quick to deny a report that he had been imprisoned by the Iranian regime, and proudly touted his good relations with the country. "The Iranian foreign ministry hosted me in a 'palace' of 150 square meters, and I was allowed to meet with anyone I wanted," he said. "They treated me in a way that no was else was treated," he added.
Friedman does not try to hide his admiration for Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who in the past termed the Holocaust a "myth" and has called for the destruction of Israel. "I had more than one meeting with his excellency, President Ahmadinejad," Friedman said. "The president first recognized me at the conference in Tehran and he was especially friendly. There may be only one picture in which we are photographed kissing, but in fact we kissed 20 or 30 times." Friedman also claims that on his earlier trip to Iran, he visited the residential compound of the Iranian president and reached "the bedroom of Khomeini." Ahmadinejad, he said, chose to remain in a modest three-room apartment with his wife, "who is from a good family." Friedman said "there aren't too many people who know him better than I do."
According to Friedman, the second reason for his trip was to present an international peace plan, by which Israel would cease to exist, Jews of Polish and Eastern European origin (and their whole families) would return to their place of birth, and Jewish of Iraqi origin would return to Iraq "the moment a functioning democracy is established there." Friedman said the Iranian president expressed support for his plan and promised "to give religious freedom to the Jewish minority that remains in Palestine." Friedman added that he "wanted to bring the situation back to what it was, before the establishment of Israel."
Friedman, in his 30s, is no stranger to anti-Zionist activity and provocations. In the past he maintained good relations with the extreme right-wing party of Jorg Haider in Austria, met with Hamas ministers in Europe, and prayed for the health of Yasser Arafat while the latter was hospitalized in Paris. With regard to the present scandal, Friedman says he is "afraid of the reaction to our participation in the conference."
www.666isMONEY.com
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Cyrano
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 07, 2007 04:26 AM
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re reply to JD and Victor
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 06, 2007 23:46 PM
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hitler testament was death
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 06, 2007 22:15 PM
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Not Yet Convinced
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 05, 2007 14:15 PM
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Holocaust Denial
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 05, 2007 13:02 PM
Like most things, deliniating when a position on a topic can be ignored is a fuzzy, sometimes dicey, thing.
What "everyone knows" to be true shifts amazingly over time, even in the sciences.
However, no one really takes seriously the notion that the earth is flat anymore. Given that we all have limited time, even without religious or moral certaintly about the non-flatness of the earth (more like 99.9[bar]%), we can safely ignore stalwarts for the flat-earth society.
I would say the same vis-a-vis creationists. Note how many would disagree. That's a function of cultural and psychological needs in those who want to deny an evolutionary heritage.
When you get to history, things get dicier. However, degrees of validity, or trustworthiness, are warranted. We know that Julius Caesar existed. What his actions were, let alone what we can infer about his motivations, are progressively less solid.
As for the Nazi holocaust, sure, there are different measures of those killed -- and I include non-Jews in this, which gets the number up to 11 or so million. But I don't think there is any doubt that a large number of people, the majority (or large plurality) of which were Jews, were killed: by bullet, gas, etc. Whether Hitler personally ordered it or not is hard to know in any scientific sense. One must make inferences. Whether it happened is based on far too many eyewitness accounts, confessions, documentary evidence, and so forth for the reality of the event to be doubted.
Imagine in 60 years someone doubting that the Palestinans weren't herded into Gaza, et al. Imagine 60 years from now, the general public in America still believing the US went into Iraq solely to spread democracy. Not unlikely.
I'm sorry, but I find no real force behind Holocaust denial arguments such a spoken of here. Just as one shouldn't use the Holocaust to excuse present Israeli governmental behavior, neither should one deny the Holocaust to grind some other axe, whatever that may be.
Best,
Doug Tarnopol
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the revisionists
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 04, 2007 23:22 PM
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Forced Confessions?
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 04, 2007 15:33 PM
Graf says:
“Höß was the first commandant of Auschwitz and is the indispensable prime witness of the mass annihilation in that camp. Hilberg refers to him twenty-six times.142
In his confession given during an intensive three-day interrogation by a British torture team led by the Jewish Sergeant Bernard Clarke,143 the first Auschwitz commandant stated that already by November 1943 in Auschwitz 2.5 million persons had been gassed and a further 500,000 had died of sickness, starvation and other factors.144 Naturally Hilberg—who picks and chooses his statistics to suit his fancy—does not mention these statements, since these crassly exaggerated numbers, large even by Hilberg's standards, show that the Höß confession was not voluntarily given and is therefore worthless.” (Graf, p. 87)
Yet Hoess/Höß said:
“I have been constantly associated with the administration of concentration camps since 1934, serving at Dachau until 1938; then as Adjutant in Sachsenhausen from 1938 to 1 May, 1940, when I was appointed Commandant of Auschwitz. l commanded Auschwitz until 1 December,1943, and estimate that at least 2,500,000 victims were executed and exterminated there by gassing and burning, and at least another half million succumbed to starvation and disease, making a total dead of about 3,000,000. This figure represents about 70% or 80% of all persons sent to Auschwitz as prisoners, the remainder having been selected and used for slave labor in the concentration camp industries. Included among the executed and burnt were approximately 20,000 Russian prisoners of war (previously screened out of Prisoner of War cages by the Gestapo) who were delivered at Auschwitz in Wehrmacht transports operated by regular Wehrmacht officers and men. The remainder of the total number of victims included about 100,000 German Jews, and great numbers of citizens (mostly Jewish) from Holland, France, Belgium, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Greece, or other countries. We executed about 400,000 Hungarian Jews alone at Auschwitz in the summer of 1944.”
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1946Hoess.html
Wikipedia notes:
“Nazi Rudolf Höß said that between 2.5 and 3 million had been killed, while Adolf Eichmann gave a figure of 2 million.”
And
“Communist Soviet and Polish authorities maintained a figure "between 2.5 and 4 million",[1] which was used on the original Auschwitz memorial.In 1983, French scholar George Wellers was one of the first to use Nazi data on deportations to estimate the number killed at Auschwitz, arriving at 1.613 million dead, including 1.44 million Jews and 146,000 Poles. A larger study started around the same time by Franciszek Piper used time tables of train arrivals combined with deportation records to calculate 1.1 million Jewish deaths and 140,000-150,000 Polish victims, along with 23,000 Roma & Sinti (Gypsies). This number has met with "significant, though not complete" agreement among scholars. Additionally, untold thousands of homosexuals were also killed at Auschwitz.”
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auschwitz_concentration_camp
Although Hoess' confession seems a little high given later research, he uses the word “estimate” and “about” when mentioning figures (Graf says Hoess simply “states” these figures). And his “estimates” are in the ball park: in the low millions—which matches the numbers calculated by Wellers and Piper. The numbers do not indicate a worthless confession forced by a “British torture team led by [a] Jewish Sergeant”
Graf does note the hierarchy of evidence—but although material evidence is better than witness testimony, such witness testimony, although some may exaggerate or lie, is often told honestly—and is also admissible. What exactly would lead so many witnesses to confabulate? Something horrible. And if many died from starvation—why would the Nazi's bother with elaborate and expensive “delousing” when prisoners were not even properly fed? Although Graf may be correct in pointing out some specific fabrications in testimony, much testimony fits in with current logical reconstruction of events using existing records. He may be helpful in keeping scholarship honest, but I think his alternative view rests on lawyer techniques rather than solid interest in getting to the truth.
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revisionist..
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 04, 2007 10:00 AM
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Enlightenment Conspiracies, Triangulated Truth, MicroRevolutions
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 04, 2007 01:26 AM
I won't go far into your “Zionist conspiracy theory” other than to question: were Zionists the only witnesses? Did they all hold a secret meeting to keep their lies strait? Or was it just an “open secret” that certain figures were to be held as the “official lie?”
Recognizing motives can help bring out bias into the open. Is someone claiming to be “fair and balanced” when they have an agenda? It's in those cases that I think we ought to be more vigilant. If Hilberg himself questioned his own scholarship, wouldn't you almost take it as a given fact that it was problematic?
The UFO comment is well taken—I think it illustrates a problem with getting at the truth. Buddhists who claim to have been enlightened, or Christians claiming to have seen the light might be a similar case: are they just repeating some story that others have heard? Should we look for replication of an experience in a controlled environment, or only accept material evidence? Should the testimony of several witnesses be thrown out, even if they corroborate each other, and the witnesses have not even met or heard each other's testimony?
Possibly there is some deeper explanation to crop circles, and say, near death experiences. Maybe wind patterns or pranksters, and some sort of biological phenomenon. But if we had as many corroborating witnesses for a specific set of UFO events, like we have for the Holocaust, I'd take it seriously.
Paranoia can be a healthy way to start investigating a situation—seeing possible clues that do not have material evidence. Raquel might have a herculean task before her: examine not only Hilberg's estimate (5.1 million), but also Martin Gilbert's, who also used records to reach his figure (5.75 million), Lucy S. Dawidowicz, who used pre-war census numbers to reach her figure (5.934 million), + there are the estimates by Yisrael Gutman and Robert Rozett (5.59-5.86 million), and Wolfgang Benz (5.3-6.2 million). (See Wikiality, as Colbert calls it).
Plus check out this quick link:
http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat1.htm#Hitler
If all these accounts used the same single method, and/or always used the same few witnesses and couple of records, I'd find them more suspect. But time and again, they come to the 5+ million figure. How could it not be in the ball park? Not all these scholars are Zionist, or even Jewish for that matter—although they might have all had an axe to grind with the axis.
Looking for material evidence that something has not occurred is not impossible. Conspiracies, imo, would either require that their secret be out in the open (people just buy the line and perpetuate it), or limited to an extremely small circle of people with absolutely no blabber mouth whistle blowers. I think the former is not really a conspiracy, and the latter is quite rare. A massive “buying the line” should be disprovable— as long as one has the courage to break out of the status quo and challenge received wisdom. Maybe this is what you, Graf and Raquel see yourselves involved with. I think real conspiracies are rare, because it is too difficult to keep a lot of people in line.
But where are you getting the facts and methods to challenge the received wisdom? Does one deconstruct the tradition by using its own methods and facts against it? What if the original facts have been burned, with nothing but cinders evidencing a fire? There's more to deconstruction than finding internal inconsistencies of a text: the text must be opened up to textuality—it must be placed in the context of all external structures. It is within this open and possibly infinite context, that we can examine alternative views (views from differing contexts)—and also see how possibly unconscious motivations can give shape to conscious interpretations. Hence we can see idiosyncratic psychological motivations, or socially indoctrinated motivations (on a public or cult scale), leading people to see the same situation in different ways. My contention is that we can get at the stronger interpretations by triangulation: seeing how different people from differing motivations, perspectives and methods, and with different sets of facts—how all these people can come to the same conclusions (at least some times).
It is also my opinion that the Holocaust should not be played down, but that other such atrocities should be remembered too: free-market (African) slavery, conquistadors and native Americans, the displaced Aboriginal's of Australia, as well as totalitarian genocides and miss-management leading to massive deaths, etc. To digress: the notion that colonialist descendents must pay the price for their ignorant “forefathers” is problematic. Reparations might come from the wealth of descendents of the primarily guilty— but should whole populations be held responsible for atrocities that are not their doing: should guilt be inherited too? Likewise, should entire economic/governmental systems (capitalist, socialist, Parecon, or otherwise) be held accountable via revolution for the points were they transgress, or simply pruned at the points crossing the lines? A point that I've been “trying” to make, time and again, is that, imo, more energy should be directed at real specific problems needing to be targeted, more immediately, and with more precision, than expending energy on an overturning of the entire system—even if we keep an eye on an ideal radically different than the system we are in.
Imo, our reality cannot be grasped in an instant—“the problems” are not simple, and neither are possible solutions. There will be no grand unified theory (zero, infinity?), some GUT instinct that one can always trust. If the brain is complex, having compartmentalization, like the body's various organs, why do so many fail to see that social problems, and even physics problems are complicated too: a gestalt of various components that do not reduce to one single principle, including the principle of rejecting the status quo.
Still, would you prefer billions of micro-revolutions or one giant revolution?
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Hmmmm....
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 03, 2007 19:06 PM
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Methodology and Motivation in Question
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 03, 2007 17:20 PM
I guess my point is theoretical. Rather than noting how various witnesses and figures are inconsistent, I think it is important to see where the various accounts and possible facts intersect and overlap. Witnesses may diverge on certain points—off into the implausible, but the points were they mostly agree is where the truth probably resides.
That is my problem with Graf's methodology as I see it: a thousand points of inconsistency does not invalidate a thousand points of convergence. But it is important to sometimes to shed the chaff of error to get to the grain of truth—and in this case I think there is a whole silo of horrible truths.
There is definitely some lawyer tactics going on here: who is really being accused and who is really being defended, and why? Is Hilberg being accused of poor scholarship, or is the Nazi régime being defended? What's the point?
-
I'm not sure, but dial-ups may be able to see some of my work here:
http://jdcasten.blogspot.com/
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one post is enough, 2 is almost too many.
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 03, 2007 11:46 AM
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Excellent Anti-War video: Guernica Iraq
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 03, 2007 10:13 AM
Check out this excellent anti-war video, and please help to spread it;
Guernica Iraq
http://blogs.zmag.org/node/2926
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Graf's Being Sarcastic or Ironic
By Kissenger, Clark at Jan 02, 2007 14:15 PM
Filip Muller's absurd "eyewitness testimony" is quoted nearly at the end of Graf's short book. By this time (if you read the whole book) you would realize how absurd some of the statments Muller wrote are. For instance, this whopper:
Hilberg uses this quote in his book too. I already mentioned the logistics of pit burning with a paraphrase of this quote, unattributed.
Graf explains why Muller's book is absurd and inconsistant.
Eyewitness testimony and confessions are given LESS WEIGHT than forensic evidence. Jurors are charged to "weigh the evidence." The weight of evidence debunks the alleged eyewitnesses.
The link to your "Logos" did not work but maybe because I still have dial up service.
www.666isMONEY.com
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Seriously?
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 31, 2006 17:27 PM
Here's a weird example of Graf's work: of—
“Filip Müller, Raul Hilberg's favorite Jewish witness, cited twenty times!—Perhaps Hilberg did not notice the following confession on p. 271 (EA, na) of Müller's master work: “[...] and I was not sure I had not dreamed the whole thing.”Is Graf joking here? Müller is obviously saying that what he witnessed was a complete and utter nightmare, not some confession that “I couldn't believe my eyes” because I was hallucinating!
Although forensic evidence is good, eyewitness accounts and confessions are admissible in a court of law. Especially if you have 1000's of corroborating witnesses.
Look, 666isMoney, Hitler loved animals. But he had his dark side too.
I suggest going back to Nietzsche—a much better “radical free thinker” whose racism is a bit more subtle, and mastery of the German language more blatant. Nietzsche called for a Caesar with the Soul of Christ. Do you really think that Hitler was Jesus-like? Come on!
-
BTW you can see a study of my “Logos” painting “The Last Icon” here:
http://www.jdcasten.info/Poetry/Humbled_Beyond_a_Word/HBAW.htm
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Another holder post...
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 31, 2006 16:05 PM
The holiday has extended through New Year's, as expected!
I haven't read much yet, but I think most of us are probably on board that "Jews are pigs" is a ridiculous statement. However, I'm glad it hasn't been censored. There's no point in doing that at all; at best (sic) it just hides things from sight.
More later...
Doug Tarnopol
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Illusory world
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 31, 2006 14:00 PM
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The "Real" World
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 31, 2006 13:04 PM
Cyrano: Ever think that my world vision, a world without money, laws and international boundaries is the Real World everyone is escaping with drugs, TV, alcohol, wars?
The powers that existed in Christ's time (if Jesus even existed) thought he was delusional, "possed by daemons" etc. He was crucified for telling the Truth, like the Holocaust "Deniars" are im many "civilized" countries. (Christ was the Logos/Logic that will save us.)
By the way, I've had some heated exchanges with Sharp. He married a woman whose parents suffered under Pol Pot. When I find those exchanges I'll add them to my Pol Pot Page
www.666isMONEY.com
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The Best Evidence is Forensic
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 31, 2006 12:44 PM
Hilberg's problem (as well as all the mythologists) is they rely on alleged "eyewitnesses," who have made rediculous statements (like sweeping the Zyklon -- dangerous Hydrogen Cyanide out the door - another absurd idea especially since the Zyklon takes several hours to dissipate from the base that absorbs HCN) and the so-called "confessions" of tortured Nazis, which are equally absurd ("scooping sizzling human fat out of huge smouldering pits"). There's so much technically wrong about that last quote.
Auschwitz was a swamp with a low water table. If pits were dug, there would be water, pits are not the best way to incinerate ppl, aerial photos taken by allied reconnasence at a time when thousands of Hungarian Jews were allegedly killed show no smouldering pits or stockpiles of fuel needed to burn/cremate them. Human fat does not contain very many kilocalories needed to burn, pits do not allow air to react with fire etc.
The best evidence in a court of law is forensic, not "eyewitnesses" or "confessions." There was NEVER a forensic examination of the alleged murder weapon (gas chambers) or cremation capacities, logistics of murdering/transporting Millions.
There were so many easier/safer ways of killing millions. Like pulling the train into a tunnel and allowing the fumes from the coal-fired locomotive to asphyxiate 'em.
Yes, I have sympathy for everyone in the concentration camps. I may very well of found myself there too but I may also have been one of the dedicated workers who rejoiced at the opportunities National Socialism provided.
Think of the Jews as today's Moslems, who are NOT assimilating in Europe: many people are leaving Holland 'cause of the immigrants, look what happened in France over the summer with the moslems/immigrants rioting. Or in America with millions of illegals from Mexico: many politicians are thinking of deporting them all just like Hitler did.
Hitler's original plan was to send 'em all to Madagascar but the war stifled that idea.
Imagine how much better off the world would be today even for Madagascar if Hitler had his way in Poland (all he asked for was a corridor through Poland to east Prussia, a plebicite for Danzig -- a former German city).
The Iron Curtain would not have existed, neither would Israel.
Hitler may have realized his living-space in the east. He had no intention of ruling the world. (England already did and it didn't work out.)
Stalin was much worse than Hitler. Stalin was the real beneficiary of World War II. Jews served in Hitler's army too, as officers even.
The Polish people, minus the Jews, would have been better off under Hitler than Stalin.
Finally, Dacchau was NOT an "extermination camp" the Gas Chamber shown in photographs was used for disinfesting lice, which cause typhus from the clothes of inmates. Hence, the shaved heads of inmates, taking their clothes. Zyklon was used in these chambers and to fumigate the bunks. Dr. Mengele would stand on the platform looking into the eyes of ppl getting off the trains. Just by looking at a person with typhus you can tell if they are infested/infected.
During typhus epidemics at Auschwits up to 300 ppl/day would die, hence the crematoria. The pictures taken at Belsen (which also was NOT an extermination camp) were victims of typhus at the end of the war when the camp was overrun -- way over capacity, supplies were low.
Many inmates at Auchwitz chose to flee with the Nazis rather than be "liberated" by the Soviets, Eli Wisel included. (Anne Frank died of typhus at one of the camps.)
Many Jews died as slave workers in Stalin's gulags. Once the Iron Curtain held them in, many Jews changed their names and abandoned their families or couldn't find them again. No one really knows how many Jews there were behind the Iron Curtain where many of them ended up after the war.
Peace & Love,
Raquel.
www.666isMONEY.com
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Inverse Assumptions & History Artists
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 30, 2006 22:39 PM
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the danger with this 666isMoney
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 29, 2006 23:33 PM
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Scrap the Hate Speech not the Provoking Art
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 29, 2006 14:47 PM
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666isMoney
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 29, 2006 09:46 AM
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Did you miss my link/source?
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 28, 2006 19:36 PM
Maybe I didn't read the book as closely as you or Raquel, but I did look through it. There are definitely levels of close reading: and I gave this one a “cursory read” indeed—but I don't think my comments were unjustified.
Mostly, As far as I can see, Graf looks for logical and factual inconsistencies in the Hilberg work (usually comparing Hilberg's own facts with themselves (DEJ is constantly referenced), although, yes, with some facts taken from other sources—his logic includes that, e.g., given only so many military officials (from his sources), only so many “killings” are possible). He also discredits witnesses for exaggerating at times, as if none of their testimony is thence admissible. This can be important to edify poor scholarship, but I don't think you can base a “Holocaust Denial” simply on the possible inconsistencies of one work. Also, it seems to me that whenever there is an inconsistency with numbers, Graf chooses the low figures (rather than say, an average). In my opinion, Graf would have to also take on the evidence which I did give in my link (although maybe you'd need further direction to its home page):
http://www.holocaust-history.org/
My skepticism of Graf, rather than the “Holocaust Industry” has to with such sources, not just the “feelings” I get from having a standard education.
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External References?
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 28, 2006 18:37 PM
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Doubting Clues & Selective Attention
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 28, 2006 14:19 PM
I read through the little book, but I think it's methodology is a little telling: mostly looking for inconsistencies INTERNAL to the Hilberg work, rather than often cross-referencing it with EXTERNAL works and sources. Another book could have been easily written seconding most of the “facts” put forth by Hilberg, with other witnesses, other sources, etc. In fact, other books have been written, and that is part of my point: many perspectives converge on the facts, possibly contradicting each other at some points, but resulting in a robust view of what actually happened.
For example, early on, the author notes that Hilberg does not provide photos: such can be found elsewhere.
Please check out this little website:
http://www.holocaust-history.org/dachau-gas-chambers/
Although it is good to challenge scholarship and keep it honest, I wonder about the agenda behind this alternative agenda-questioning scholarship. What is the deeper agenda of Graf? Is it just to get to the facts? I don't think so. He seems to find discredit from some witnesses just because they are Jewish— his own sort of ad hominem.
If you read my “Unanchored US Foreign Policy & Values of Satiated Masses” above, you'd see that I'm sympathetic with the historical epistemological problems involved—but the Holocaust seems to have too much corroborating evidence concerning, e.g. the numbers of deaths, to be seriously doubted by me.
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Raquel
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 28, 2006 11:51 AM
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Irnorance & Ad Homminim: Read the Book!
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 28, 2006 11:14 AM
JD: Just read the book, Giant With Feet of Clay, which critically examines the footnotes of Holocaust mythologist, Raul Hilberg (free download here): http://vho.org/GB/Books/Giant/
I'm a grad student of Holocaust Denial. After you read the SHORT book or only a few chapters, I'll have an intelligent discussion with you!
Peace & Love,
Raquel.
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Holder comment...
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 16:14 PM
Hey, all:
Lots of stuff to digest; in fact, I need to wait till after the holiday to give it all the attention it deserves. I'm actually glad about the presence of 666 comment; it's another challenge to the entire epistemological argument here.
I might throw in Isaiah Berlin's notion of a "sense of reality," which is much criticized from all parts of the spectrum, and probably rightly (and leftly), but I think it is more of an "artistic" way of encompassing an epistemological position possibly beyond language's ability to lay out. Clifford Geertz, RIP, had some very interesting things to say about this topic, too.
But I mostly want to engage with what's been written, and it'll have to wait till Tuesday! Family stuff. :) Hence the "holder comment."
Happy happy,
Doug Tarnopol
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JD
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 11:16 AM
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The Victim's Responsibility + Shock and Awe Withdrawal
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 09:51 AM
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Bias
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 07:03 AM
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Unanchored US Foreign Policy & Values of Satiated Masses
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 05:27 AM
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re : the clues
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 23, 2006 00:18 AM
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Get a Paranoid Clue
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 23:04 PM
666isMoney—you're probably deeply entrenched in an idiosyncratic perspective that isn't going to connect with a lot of people—not much with me at least, and I probably won't be able to change what I perceive as blatant anti-Semitism. Was there some sort of Gypsy/Roma conspiracy too? From what I gather from your website, you may feel persecuted. If that feels so bad, why persecute others? I've known schizophrenics and LSD users that don't come to the same conclusions as you do—so maybe that's not completely to blame.
But as with any sort of huge conspiracy theory—how exactly would such a conspiracy be coordinated? How many people are “buying off” witnesses behind the scenes? What are the scenes? Have you heard of Occam's razor? Simply put, the simplest explanation is probably the correct one. My suggested reading material for you is Marc Maron's – The Jerusalem Syndrome: My Life as a Reluctant Messiah—paranoia, worrisome as it may be, can be about love rather than hate: if one love is unrequited (be it a person or interest)—move on: clues without substantial evidence can drive you nuts.Yours seems to be an “outsider” perspective that does not have much of a deeper coherence. This can make for interesting art, ala William Blake, but don't expect to be elected to any public office too soon.
(BTW, money can be like language and technology, both of which can use us as much as we use them—like moving from using tools, to understanding ourselves as semi-technical (bio-mechanical) creatures. However, like science, most tools are used simply according to human values— although it may be difficult to make a gun good (where the medium can be the message) just about any tool, and analogously money or language, can be used for both good and bad: do you see something evil in any sort of mediation of being?—in anything that separates you from another?—like laws, or physical reality?)
J.D. Casten
www.jdcasten.info
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Holocaust Denial
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 20:58 PM
I agree with Chomsky on the lies about Pol Pot. I disagree with Chomsky about Raul Hilberg being an expert on the Nazi Holocaust, which Chomsky mentions in this forum.
There's an excellent, short book by a Holocaust "Deniar" that critically examines the footnotes to Hilberg's works on The Holocaust called "Giant with feet of clay" you can download it free here: http://vho.org/GB/Books/Giant/
After reading this book, with an open mind you'll agree, the alleged atrocities about the gas chambers was war propaganda, which benefits the Holocaust Industry and causes WWII vets to think they eradicated an evil (Hitler).
www.666isMONEY.com
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Truth Adversaries
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 18:20 PM
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re : Outsider
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 17:49 PM
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"Outsider" has a lot to do with it...
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 15:56 PM
Hi, jd:
That was a very interesting posting!
I think the outsider point is spot on, for NC and in general. It's more a state of mind than an actual social position, though it can be that, too. Ultimately, I think clear thinking has to do with a variety of things. I mean the following musingly, not didactically, and they are in no particular order of relative importance:
1. Being at least a mentalistic "outsider," which means being truly critical and fearless. As Vidal said, "Style is knowing who you are, what you want to say and not giving a damn." Much the same could be said of judgment. The fearlessness is as much a private affair as a public one: systematically and honestly questioning one's own most basic beliefs and assumptions is excruciating, but I really see no other way to clarify one's thoughts -- or feelings, for that matter -- than by doing so.
For example, I'm very much a lefty of the libertarian ilk (big shock on Znet, right?), but I must say that one conservative argument that has always had force for me is what I perhaps wrongly recall as ultimately Burkean: complex systems, such as societies or organisms, tend to break down when tampered with too much. The objections, both historical and otherwise, mount in my mind as much as in any Znet reader's, but the basic notion has value. It certainly does in evolutionary theory, though there too it's been much overemphasized. Not that that usefulness in a science bestows some automatic epistemological authority, but the notion itself, lifted out of Burkean context however you like (some systems should be broken down, etc.), seems valid. I'm sure many will disagree; I simply thought I ought to walk my talk.
2. Being comfortable with doubt without giving up on taking any stance whatsoever. I am continually impressed by what NC claims he (and we, as a species) don't know. There is something quasi-totalitarian in those thinkers who want to wrap every question up in a nice little package. Check out Plato's Republic or Laws...hoo-boy.
However, one can't Hamletize without end; we simply have to make calls based on incomplete information in ever-changing situations. As Richard Lewontin said in another context (on the probable unknowability of the evolution of language and cognition): "Tough luck."
3. Testing oneself against others' views and against the external world in general. Forums like this, for example, but even more so in dealing with people who honestly disagree. I have a good friend who is a rightwing evangelical Christian. As you might expect, we agree on very little, but he is honest in exactly the sense that Dershowitz is not. If you can find an honorable opponent with contrary views, it helps sharpen your own thoughts. This happens in serious rational inquiry quite often (though not all the time, for sure); it's not as common oustide of those institutions, physical or virtual, where such norms do not hold.
4. Which leads me to the scary part: knowledge is social in a variety of senses, but most crucially in that without norms of free inquiry, all bets are off. The usual human situation is for all bets to be off, historically speaking.
5. Finally, I'm not sure it was originally Stephen Jay Gould's point, but I read it there first: bias potentiates as well as hinders. (Gould fans, or non-fans, will recognize "potentiates" as a very Gouldian word; up there with "maximal.")
That is an exceedingly important point on several levels, beyond being accurate:
a. It is liberating. One need not pretend to be superhuman -- that is, above bias in a general sense -- in order to make an epistemological claim. That's one norm that ought to be discarded, and one need not step into some pomo/relativist whirlwind in order to accept our simple humanity.
b. It is humbling and "levels" human value in an important sense. None of us really like to admit how contingent our lives are at every level, from the macroevolutionary inheritance to our own life histories. Perhaps a person raised in an authoritarian household would have a "bias" toward noticing, pointing out, and fighting against authoritarianism where others, raised in more open households might not see it at first. I think this generalizes quite a bit, and it leads to the obvious truism, often ignored even by honest inquirers, that identification of bias (in this sense) is not refutation of an argument. Again, professional bullshitters are in a separate class -- after a point, some folks are simply self-refuting, but one must be careful about even that.
Some very brilliant people simply guessed incorrectly, due to biases of one kind or another. (I am excluding professional liars and propagandists from this entire discussion, of course!) "Picking the wrong organism" has led many a biologist down a less-than-fruitful path, for example.
c. It leads to (or at least bolsters) a norm of pluralistic social interaction in the exploration of ourselves and the universe. Epistemological justification is a social activity, that is, and the more open and pluralistic, the more likely we, as a species, can maximize our collective insight.
And now I'm out of lettered points! LOL.
To close, my own questions about unanswerables to some extent must be a way to comfort myself in a situation of doubt, not to mention extreme danger, geopolitically. I often have to remind myself to eschew the comfort of pondering such things in order to act on far more prosaic, obvious, and answerable issues. So it goes!
Best wishes to all,
Doug Tarnopol
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re: “Fair & Balanced” Activist Journalism
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 14:56 PM
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"The Cambodia Industry"
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 13:31 PM
Nice use of Owen and Kiernan's "Bombs Over Cambodia" (The Walrus, October, 2006). What is frequently referred to as the "secret" bombing of Cambodia under Nixon from 1969 on was, in reality, the even bigger secret bombing of Cambodia beginning under Johnson from 1965 on.
NC's closing seven paragraphs (i.e., from "Turning to the more general context" on) are as succinct a commentary on the privileges that fall to intellectuals in the service of their favorite states -- Privilege No. One being the Right to Lie, and the extreme measures adopted to preserve and to protect the exclusivity of this right -- as he's written. The lesson extrapolates far and wide. Of course.
Indeed it is "intriguing to see how Cambodia industry enthusiasts pretend not to understand that their reaction demonstrates that they are miserable apologists for the violence of their own state."
David Peterson
Chicago, USA
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“Fair & Balanced” Activist Journalism
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 22, 2006 07:54 AM
I will try not to betray my ignorance by commenting much on the severity of events occurring in Cambodia and its neighbors during heavy US intervention in the region; too often we see the sad consequences of ideological and/or ethnic differences escalating to violence of horrendous magnitude; where “we'll do it my way” overrides “survive and help survive.”
I think NC's entry here (and Mr. Tarnopol's comment) are interesting in highlighting the psychological aspects of social phenomena: like a Freudian Socio-Analysis. Especially relevant is a sort of social “ego-defense mechanism” where one's insecure self-image is perpetually strengthened through a sort of “me = good,” “you = maybe not so good” mentality that is willing to distort perception (or at least stretch the truth) in order to maintain a good self-image.
Although I doubt, aside from spiritual considerations, that evolution has some sort of secret benevolent purpose, I do believe that we humans crave some sort of serenity with an occasional, and possibly psychopathic, drive for “excitement”: perpetual restlessness for rest. Peace seems like a natural desire, although war often erupts. For the most part though, on the flip side of innate instinct, we have social consensus: and again, for the most part, we agree that peace is the goal, with too often war as a means to that end. How this fits in with “compartmentalization” of brain biology, I have little clue, but a “more primitive” drive for survival at all costs, mediated by a more subtle cognitive social mediation seems reasonable to me (and even the most primitive of creatures often take part in some sort of society). Although war may seem necessary for survival at times, our war tendencies, whether they be instinctual or socialized, seem to necessitate a reconciliation with our (possibly) larger aim for peace. Hence “we” try to defend “peace” while “they” want war. The subtle definition of “peace” could make things complicated (it may simply be “my” way of feeling ok); and sadly these more “subtle” aspects can cloud the obvious cases of violence.
Truth, as I understand it, likes to cohere: the more one truth connects to other truths, the stronger it is. This makes sense on both a social and brain-biological level. The more that a certain belief “pans out” and “falls together” with the facts (or other beliefs), in the social realm, the more it becomes accepted (or at least should be accepted). Similarly, in the brain, the more interconnections between ideas we have, the stronger they are (like so many interconnected neurons). Lies, bullshit, etc., should, imo, create tensions both in the social and psychological spheres: they may be intertwined with truths, may be half-truths, etc., but ultimately they should find their coherence weaker than the truth. Of course, lies are possible, can take a strong hold, and may even be seen as the prevailing truth: especially if not all the relevant facts are known. Maybe some will see a connection between self-deception and selective perception as obstacles to a Peaceful network of truth (that might be indefinitely refined).
This brings me back to Chomsky's entry. The fact is, we may not have all the facts on Cambodia during the periods in question. But we do have various sources, which both grow closer to the truth as they become integrated, yet find themselves farther from the truth as that truth recedes into history. We may never know exactly how many people died, and to what extent who bears the majority of responsibility (and the minority of responsibility—this on monumental scales, is of some consequence too). Those who angrily engage Chomsky as a fact twister, may be illustrating his own point, that they are assuming a social “ego-defense mechanism” posture. How is it that Chomsky is able to escape this posture himself? Possibly by seeing himself as an international citizen. Maybe he has his own axe to grind too, but ultimately, I think it is that “truth” that coheres— which I mentioned above— that is the only “weapon” (to use a poor choice of militaristic terminology) that could possibly be effective in his engagement with the possibly erroneous status quo of (present) historical accounts. Sometimes bullshit may be able to outlive the possible recovery of a truth—but are not even archeologists able to recover the truths of societies who's own self-histories are long lost? (A sort of forensic science of the “crime” scene” is possible—with clues often coming from un-thought of sources).
So I think it is indeed possible, and, imo, in most cases inevitable, eventually, that the “truth will out” IF the public maintains an honest inquiry into its history—despite the lies, propaganda, etc. There are simply too many facts and witnesses to broad strokes of history, to cover up its crimes with lies that don't pan out. Maybe Chomsky often has a head-start on this truth: helps foster the seeds of truth, by being a good (contemporary) historical scientist—pointing out were others may be mis-reporting history due to their own bias. He may have his own more or less self-conscious bias, but again, why would anyone listen to him (besides those trying to use him, with his established authority)—where would he get his “authority” if not from being a proven truth teller? He may not always be right, who could be? But I think he's trying harder, and with a greater self-consciousness of the sorts of biases that exist, than some others.
I don't see how someone could see him as an apologist for the KR—at most, he seems to like some Nixon historian noting that that administration did start the EPA, indexed social security for inflation, started Supplemental Security Income, etc. (and through “Vietnamization,” handed the ball of war off to the locals: much like US policy today in Iraq—nothing like inflaming regional hatred, and then training and equipping “our” side to carry on the violence!). Some Republicans are not so bad, even by Democrat sensibilities. No, like Adorno and Horkheimer, who coined the term “Culture Industry” (to denote Marx's notion of “ideology” meeting Nietzsche's “Herd” mentality: popular culture feeds itself the status quo (often repackaged) in a sort of mass-self-satisfied-brain-washing), Chomsky seems to be challenging that status quo, when deemed necessary, with verifiable truths; hence edifying the culture's self-history, by tying in the “outsider” facts with the status quo truism that “we” don't want to be deluded or lied to. Hence as a semi-“pop”-figure, Chomsky may be a mediator between the semi-deluded pop culture, and a possible “unnoticed” reality.
However, Chomsky is not some sort of “robot reporter” presenting a plethora of facts, without making any judgment calls. And I think it is his non-neutrality, possibly on political issues (maybe he would say he's simply condemning atrocities when he sees them, regardless of political affiliation)— but at least his somewhat activist stance (which belies a sort of anti-conservatism in itself) that makes many question his objectivity.
Maybe there is no necessary tension between telling the truth, and wanting things different (and who wouldn't in the most egregious cases)—but for those who might note that the status quo of one's heartbeat keeps you alive—those who see that we as a species have managed to survive (too well some might say) by living by our status quo of habits and customs: no doubt they may feel afraid for human life as they know it being threatened by the danger of radical change—even a change of their own preconceptions.
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Sorry--that was me!
By Kissenger, Clark at Dec 21, 2006 13:21 PM
I forgot to log in.
Doug Tarnopol
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