The Chicago Parecon Debate of February 10, 2007: My thoughts
By Mitchell Szczepanczyk at Feb 18, 2007 |
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(Note: The opinions expressed in what's to follow are solely those of its author, Mitchell Szczepanczyk, and do not necessarily reflect those of members of CAPES -- the Chicago Area Participatory Economics Society -- nor of the organization as a whole.) On February 10, 2007, the offices of In These Times magazine played host to a debate that, I wonder, may eventually prove pivotal in future histories of participatory economics. The event was hosted by a Chicago group called The Open University of the Left. On the one side was David Schweickart, professor of Philosophy at Loyola University of the Chicago, to present a model called Economic Democracy, which he has expounded upon in various books. Many ZNet readers know for David Schweickart his critique of participatory economics. On the other side, me. No tenured academic position. No published books to my credit. And I haven't taken a course in economics since high school. But I did co-found a group dedicated to economics, and I have been reading up on this stuff for about four years now. And I was the standard bearer for the model of participatory economics in this debate. The event certainly drew a crowd. The room where the event took place was completely filled -- about sixty people attended where a robust audience is often twenty. And it was a far more, shall I say, diverse audience than one would find in similar wonky presentations. (There's still a longer way to go to get to a level of diversity I would deem "diverse", but I was nonetheless very encouraged.) I presented the model of parecon for 30 minutes. Then David presented his model and critiqued parecon for 30 minutes. Then we opened the door to discussion, questions, and commentary from the audience, not to mention additional back-and-forth between David and myself. This entire second act after the first hour of initial presentations wound up lasting close to two hours. I had read David's previous essays about (and against) participatory economics. So I used his essays as likely source material, preparing as best I could, but also understanding that the preparation wouldn't be enough. That was exactly what wound up happening, but differently from what I imagined. David previously raised a number of objections to parecon. There are three in particular: (1) Balanced job complexes can't scale to larger sizes. (2) There's no motivation to accurately judge remuneration for effort and sacrifice. (3) Participatory planning can't work because it will just get enormously bogged down in a morass of detail. I had the chance in Q&A to address points (1) and (3). My responses were basically (1) Larger firms can gauge desirability (and thus balance for it) by counting the number of applications to jobs. If there are wide discrepancies, recalibrate the jobs and repeat the application process. And you can use longer-term sociology studies to determine if all actors in a firm are empowered, though that's harder to do since empowerment is a judgment call. But ultimately -- what is your goal: workplaces and jobs balanced for desirability and empowerment, or Wal-mart? (2) The motivation problem is solved by capping the effort rating -- either having a single maximum effort rating, or letting different firms use different effort ratings. It can also be solved in the here-and-now by paying everyone in a pareconish firm the same, thus motivating folks to gauge accurately and balance jobs as best as possible. And (3) Parecon and participatory planning doesn't prevent techniques from being developed for handling individual details and information flow -- just as most people who use the Firefox web browser don't look at the code of the Firefox web rendering engine which makes the darn thing actually work, everyone in parecon can examine the details of a decision, though I think some may choose not to. Plus, there's no reason you can have something as pedestrian as a catalog in a parecon. During my presentation, a small number of people scattered throughout the audience would noticeably laugh (but not laugh out loud, thank goodness). This was, as you can imagine, pretty distracting, but maybe the most difficult thing I had to handle all day. I will be the first to admit that I could have given a better response to some of the questions I heard. There was even one question where I eventually said to myself "You know, you're rambling and not really answering the question." But, I'm happy to say that I did my homework, and I think and hope it showed. There was not a single time in the entire event where I was left unable to give a response, whereas David was rhetorically trapped at least twice. Here's an excerpt from an exchange David had with one CAPES member:
M: You can earn more if you sell more [in your model]. D: That's right. M: Okay, so then what does that then do down the road for creating class division? D: I don't see why selling more necessarily creates class division...Will there be some inequalities? Yes. Of course. Otherwise, there's no monetary incentives. That's also true under parecon. Nobody's noticed it yet. Some groups -- the monitor say are doing well. They get more. M: But if money is the incentive then you have the same system, in a lot of ways, than what you have here. D: No. That's a big mistake. Just because they all use money, they all use markets, does not make them the same. They got fundamentally different directions. M: Oh sure. But you've got the same issues if money is the incentive. D: [pause] Somebody else? Call on somebody else?
I should say that there was one question about black markets near the end of the event, in which I felt I didn't give as effective response as I could, and I apologize to "Number Nine" (after a time we had to assign numbers to folks keep track of the list of questions). And there were at least two points (one with a gentleman about the social effects of markets, and another young man who raised an excellent question about parecon handling unforeseen) where I simply forgot a key point of the question and thus forgot what I was going to say. I extend my belated apologies to both. But, if it's any consolation, these were problems with me, not with the model, and such lapses were few and far between; overwhelmingly, and overall, I thought that I fared quite well. I thought that the comments David leveled against parecon near the end of the event got increasingly ridiculous, bordering on "Maybe I just don't want to do it." and "Maybe actors in a participatory economy just don't want to carry out their roles." Or "The motivation seems to be absent." Great. I don't want to be in a market economy, but neither do a great many other people (just ask day laborers in Immokalee, Florida, for example). Wanna switch? And on the motivation question, sure the threat of imminent starvation or a cocked gun to your head is sure to motivate. But why do market economists assume that this is the ONLY way people get motivated? People are motivated by lots of things. There also seemed to be this undercurrent in David's critique of parecon which struck me as saying "I can't imagine it working. Therefore, it can't work". I'm not sure how I would respond to this. Imagine harder? Shall I help by writing a science fiction novel or a movie screenplay set in some participatory economy? (That's actually not a bad idea, come to think of it. Anyone reading this want to work on such a project? Email me.) But more to the point, failure to imagine strikes me as more a copout than a valid response, particularly when there isn't anything like an apparent contradiction in the formal model getting in the way of imagining. (You can start humming that John Lennon song now.) There was one valid concern which was about process at the event -- that the keeping-track-of-questions part could have gone better. I quite agree; in the organizing for the event, we never discussed how to handle that. So we basically played that by ear, and that should have been set up in a better way, I'll concede. Near the end of the event, one gentleman asked what struck me as the most hostile question of the event. As he put it:
You've got so many levels of committees and councils in parecon you've actually created a system of bureaucratic anarchism. It's amazing: the idea that you're talking about you don't have government, you've created an anarchist state. The idea that you can estimate how broken arms you're going to have in Chicago for your plan goes beyond Stalinist central planning...There are so many meetings in your conception of society. People do other things than meet...It's like the Cultural Revolution on steroids.
And my response:
You're setting up this structure in order to better account for things that past structures haven't done, or in such ways with onerous results. And the point here is, to make a comparison between I think the example between markets and participatory economics is clear. Use the example of what's termed a zero-sum game. In a market economy, you can succeed basically at the expense of someone else. In a participatory economy, the point is, do we all succeed or do we all fail? So we should set up this arrangement so we can all succeed. And also set up the institutions -- balanced job complexes, remuneration for effort and sacrifice, and to achieve what we arrive at a viable society-wide allocation plan. These are all things we all want. And a result, we can try to achieve those things so we all get along.
However, despite the pretty serious disagreements and serious questions that arose, I should say the event was also very civil, among all participants. I think it was understood that, differences aside, we've got to get to work on figuring out something better. And that what was extraordinary about this event was that it was a very real step, however small, in proceeding in that direction. Any success that parecon advocates can count to this day and this event owe a debt of gratitude to the following folks for their assistance with my presentation and responses: the members of CAPES for their suggestions and helpful feedback, particularly Nina and Matt; Jessica Azulay at The New Standard; and Chris Spannos, Mike Albert, and Lydia Sargent at Z Communications. A special debt of thanks goes to Robin Hahnel, whose suggestions and advice were simply invaluable for preparation. The audio of the event will be online soon at the CAPES website. A video production or presentation of the footage (we had three videocameras) is hopefully forthcoming soon. And best of all, it was the first time that the model faced market advocates in real time -- which as I understand it has been damned rare. If the success of this event is any indication, more success is in the offing when the model is brought to much larger audiences. Hasta la victoria siempre. Here's hoping we do this again.



my position
By Loconag, Tatiana at Jun 30, 2007 11:28 AM
I have to say I feel Victor has a few points in his posts, I get and understand PARECON objective, but don't feel it's the model to get there.
MHO anyway.
Tati
recetas de cocina españa
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Shit is all around
By Kissenger, Clark at Jun 08, 2007 16:41 PM
donate car
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"What is the alternative to
By Deals, Furniture at May 31, 2007 11:00 AM
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What work is?
By Carts, Kitchen at May 22, 2007 08:35 AM
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the popular forms of media
By Deals, Furniture at May 21, 2007 11:34 AM
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people...
By Highlights, Exhibition at May 08, 2007 07:53 AM
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Not even close to the point
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 18:42 PM
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BJC is nonsense
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Feb 25, 2007 13:43 PM
Bjc is a rigid monstrosity hacked up by someone who is obviously a workaholic. Indeed this is the ethos of parecon. Too much time is spent on endless meeting, measuring job worths , accessing sacrifice and efforts, rotating shifts etc etc. After a while (or maybe not even a while) most people will be fed up with the big hassel. Albert claims that parecon eliminates the adversarial relation of the market but I can see how the endless, back and forth meeting sessions in parecon are much more frustrating and acrimonous and more susceptible to back room deal cuttings. Afterall in a real parecon many people of different agendas and philosophies have to be involved, not just a few wide eyed converts like in Albert's tiny entreprises.
I know a lot of people who probably don't mind doing "shit jobs" as long as they are paid well and have enough time left for themselves.
Not everyone gets the meaning of life from his jobs. For many people a job is just a way to get a pay cheque. Not necessarily a bad idea. Most of us are mature enough to know that sometimes you have to do things you don't want to in life to get what you want. It is about trade offs. The alienation that Marx spoke of will diminish if you don't need to spend 40 hours a week trapped in an office or a sewer and have plenty of time to persue other interests and goals. Now granted that people may hold such ideas because they are degraded by capitalism and have lost their true nature, but since we have no way of knowing if that is the case we should take them on their words. If we are truly democratic we should listen to people speaking for themselves, not speaking for them without them asking us to.
The capitalist work tempo and low pay compels a lot of people to spend most of their lives on paid work, that is the problem IMO, not necessarily the work itself. I am not ashamed of being an "elitist" I can tell you I don't like working in sewers. But if I can make enough money by doing that three days a week and have enough time to do other things, go to school, go to play and have the means to quit and switch jobs when I am fed up I don't really care.
But parecon replaces capitalism's rigidity with even worse rigidity. At least under capitalism, if you have a job and don't run your own business(and if you are not an overly responsible "coordinator" like Paul Street), you don't have to worry about work once you get off, even though you may be tired and exhausted and somewhat poor. In the advanced welfare states workers at least have a "residual life" after work. But in parecon work is the totality of life, one never "gets off".
To my mind any liberation movement should *liberate* by maximizing individual autonomy and choice.The freedom from being bothered is an important basic freedom,--anti-social types have rights too. The human spirit is crushed by the machine of capitalism but parecon tries to rectify it by creating something much worse. Parecon is a way to attain absolutely equality by turning all of us into worker ants. Worker ants are worker ants, whether they are "self managing" ants,--actually managed by the busybodies,-- or take their orders from some one else.
Thanks but no thanks.
BTW, I anticipate that I am going to get lucky with the ladies (or maybe the guys) in the upcoming year. I want to get a large order of condoms with spiral shaped grooves (I am kinky that way) I have to submit the request form to the neighbourhood commitee for review in the begining of the year under parecon. Since I am sort of bashful and actually am having an affair with the commitee chairman's daughter. What should I say when the commitee asks me why do I suddenly need so many condoms? Even under the patriot act I don't have to explain my sex life to the FBI.
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Environmental Sustainability in Parecon
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 12:19 PM
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But when you say you hate
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 11:06 AM
But when you say you hate 'the term,' you'd do well also to say you actually support what the term refers to. Otherwise, people can easily misperceive your meaning.
I have no idea what the term refers to. That's the point. Asking me if I support "participatory democracy" would be like asking me if I support widgets. Why doesn't the question, "Do you support widgets?" make any sense?
That's the same reason asking, "Do you support participatory democracy?" makes no sense.
Or, it's like saying about someone, "He's not a real American." Well, what is a "real American." None of these terms -- not "real American," not "widgets," and not "participatory democracy" -- have any meaning at all, beyond what the person using the terms wants them to mean.
Now, participatory economics -- that has a definite meaning. It has a definite structure that can be assessed. "Participatory democracy," on the other hand, is a totally vapid term -- one that can easily be used to obscure where objective power lies, rather than highlight it.
Hence, I hate the term, and I never use it.
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My anger flows from years of
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 09:50 AM
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Did you ever diagram
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 09:40 AM
Did you ever diagram sentences in grade school? Let's examine the following sentence of mine:
I hate the term "participatory democracy."
The verb is "hate." When diagramming a sentence, always find the verb first.
The next step is determine the subject of the sentence. In this case, we do it by asking, "who hates?" The answer, in the sentence, is "I." Since "I" hate, "I" is the subject.
Okay, next step is look for the object. I hate what? In the above sentence, the thing I hate is "term." "Term" has an identifying definite article "the." That is, "term" is a noun, ("the" is a "noun signal," if you prefer that term to "definite article"), so in this sentence, "term" is the direct object of the sentence.
Lastly, what is "participatory democracy?" Is it an object complement, because it follows and modifies the direct object "term."
To test your understanding of this material, may I administer the following quiz:
1) In the sentence, Eric hates the term "participatory democracy," the thing that Eric hates is
a) participatory democracy
b) you
c) the term
d) beef stroganoff
e) I don't know, this quiz is too hard
If you have a very small child or grandchild in your home, please ask her or him to grade the quiz for you after you have completed it. Failure means you're an idiot.
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Keir, you are going to have
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 08:46 AM
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What's the bottom line?
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 25, 2007 06:22 AM
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mtbrad
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Feb 25, 2007 03:54 AM
Seriously man you are talking abstractions. I cannot think of any society where working in a slaughter house is a fun and empowering job, unless you are the kind of person who enjoy torturing animals. It may be that in the future classless Utopia we will all become vegetarians, but what about working in a sewer maintaining crew? That is literally a "shit job" that cannot be avoided; even in a classless society people still need to go to the bathroom. Maybe I am naive but I think job satisfaction is not just a the result of how society ranks work, there is also an intrinsic component to it. In some way it is also very subjective, apart from examples like butcher and sewer work clew there are jobs which some people enjoyable while others don't. You cannot pay be a million dollars to be a surgeon even though by all account it is a prestigeous job in our present society. I will pass out at the sight of blood and guts. Preferences may be subjective but it doesn't mean it is less real or that it must be constructed by the class society. As Chomsky say somethings are innate (though it is probably hard to figure which is and which isn't except for the simplest cases)
IMO parecon is unworkable(I know, you are not exactly arguing for it) I can't put it better than Carl Davision. Victor's characterization of Albert's approach as trying to reduce Mona Lisa into a mechanical description of brush strokes also hits the nail on the head IMO. Ebpaton is probably the best advertisment of why parecon would be aweful. A parecon society would be dominated by fanatics like him and the Cultural revolution would look like child's play. It would be exactly like what critics are saying all along.
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Vision
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 23:49 PM
In some Buddhist writing somewhere (Pema Chodron?) there's a comment on the compulsion to respond and "the courage of not responding" - of just letting alone. I struggle (generally unsuccessfully) with needing to always respond to Internet communications, especially critical ones via either e-mail or blog and with not having the courage to just let what I said stand where it was: partial and imperfect, flawed.
One thing that can be lost in the arguing (occasionally too ad hominim) is that this excellent Mitchell S. post sparks dialogue among a group that desperately needs to be expanded: leftists who are willing not just to rip on existing class/imperial society (I've admitted that such ripping makes up 97 percent of my own ZNet writing and don't know if this old dog is going to learn new tricks) but to develop an alternative vision.
On the importance of taking that vision step, here is an intertesting comment that I'm not sure I ever see cited (if Mike Albert doesn't cite it he ought to because it would seem to work very nicely for his set-up argument):
"But in the long run, a movement of the left has no chance of success, and deserves none, unless it develops an understanding of contemporary society and a vision of a future social order [emphasis added, P.S.] that is persuasive to a large majority ot the population." Further, the same author says that the need "for some far-reaching alternative" [to state capitalism and business rule] is clear since "the economists' 'externalities' can no longer be consigned to footnotes. No one who gives a moment's thought to the problems of contemporary society can fail to be aware of the social costs of consumption and production, the progressive destruction of the environment [emphasis added], the utter irrationality of the utilization of contemporary technology, the inabiliy of a system based on profit or growth maxmization to deal with needs that can only be expressed collectively, and the enormous bias this system imposes toward maxmization of commodities for personal use in place of the general improvement of the quality of life."
This is from Noam Chomsky, "Some Tasks for Responsible People" (August 1969), pp. 153-154 in Chomsky on Democracy and Education, edited by C.P. Otero (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).
That's an interesting early comment from a guy who went on write prolifically but mainly on (a) "the understanding of contemporary society," not (b) the "vision of a future social order."
The second topic strikes me as more difficult and also now more urgent. Asking NC or a John Pilger (for example) to have done more on (b) than (a) is probably like asking the keyboardist to play guitar or the point guard to play power forward. I come out of the keyboards here but am willing to recognize the special need for more visionary guitarists at present. The vision thing is critical and it's a great contribution to advance it on the left.
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Just one more point..
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 23:09 PM
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My bad Victor.
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 22:56 PM
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Can you provide a quote from
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 21:07 PM
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I think there's a
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 21:04 PM
I think there's a connection between your desire to ban markets entirely and your comtempt for participartory democracy as well.
*sighs*
I never said I had contempt for participatory democracy, but it's pointless to talk to you. What did I actually say? Is it possible for you to go back and look at what I actually said?
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Carl Davison wrote: "That's
By Anonymous, Anonymous at Feb 24, 2007 20:36 PM
Carl Davison wrote: "That's what I get from his answer to my question about being allowed to make a living by selling my services, such as repairing computers. I already have the means and tools to do it between my ears and in my small tool kit, but in strict Parecon, there's no money to pay me or for me to buy things at the store. If I survive, it's as a group of liked-minded Robinson Crusoes somewhere or, more likely, in a black market of some sort that will emerge, and perhaps be punished in some fashion."
Don't worry mate, the supercomputer is Albert's all purpose black box whenever questions are raised about the feasability of large scale implementation of parecon. Parecon generates an insane amount of data trail and Albert sweeps them under the buzzword "supercomputer".The magic box keeps detail tracking on consumptions and remunerations I am sure there will be great demand for good computer hackers.
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I'm glad Paul and Keir
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 20:25 PM
I'm glad Paul and Keir reduced the testosterone of the discussion a little bit. My behavior was/is getting on my nerves.
Maybe it's time to move on...
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An economy for the environment
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 18:52 PM
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Reflections on work
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 17:31 PM
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Excuse me?
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 12:51 PM
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I agree with most of
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 12:41 PM
I agree with most of Victor's points.
Why wouldn't you? He hasn't made any, other than to assuage your fear of onerous labor.
You accept the whole system and its rules, then work within it, or die.
Yes, that's exactly what I said. Can't get anything past you.
Anyway, any society has rules. In any society, if you don't like the rules, you can work to change them. More important, any society has an institutional structure. If you don't like that structure, you can work to change it. But first you have to understand what the current structure is, and you have to be able to describe the new structure you want.
That's what I get from his answer to my question about being allowed to make a living by selling my services
You've never given even five minutes thought to questions of allocation. You don't even know what the word means. You've probably never even heard the word in an economic context.
Parecon's method of allocation is not markets. No one "sells" anything, at least not in the context that you're thinking.
I already have the means and tools to do it between my ears and in my small tool kit, but in strict Parecon, there's no money to pay me or for me to buy things at the store.
Nope, not what I said. What I said is that you won't get any inputs from the economy. You don't know what that means though, because you don't understand allocation. You not only don't understand participatory planning, you don't even understand markets. If you did, you'd understand that there is no such thing as a classless market economy -- it's literally impossible.
If I survive, it's as a group of liked-minded Robinson Crusoes somewhere or, more likely, in a black market of some sort that will emerge, and perhaps be punished in some fashion.
Can't have a black market in a parecon. It's not that black markets aren't allowed. It's that the structure of a pareconish economy mitigates against black markets. About the only thing you could do in a parecon is trade with somebody. But accruing wealth via a black market is literally impossible in a parecon. I'm stretching the truth slightly here, but I'm close enough to being correct that I can get away with it. The simple fact is that black markets won't exist in a parecon, and it has nothing to do with legal reasons.
Wanna understand why? Read the book.
In other words, there's a democratic and dynamic side to the market in goods and services, having to do with choice, that Parecon ignores or denigrates.
No. There's no market at all in parecon. (By "market" I mean an institional method of resource allocation -- the only meaningful way to use the term "market" in this discussion. I do not mean there won't be a place for people to get vegetables, or whatever.)
My question about 'fair share' to Eb was not about renumeration, but who decides my 'fair share' of less than desirable tasks.
This is actually a good question. The short answer is that everyone works a balanced job complex comparable in its empowerment effects and the onerousness of its work to the balanced job complexes worked by everyone else in the economy. That is, in terms of empowerment and onerousness (or, if you prefer, in terms of desirability), everyone's BJC is the same as everyone else's BJC, all across the economy.
The long answer as to how this happens requires an understanding of parecon's allocation process (participatory planning). I'm not going to give you the long answer here. Read the book. (Eh, maybe I'll change my mind by the time I get to the bottom of this post, or maybe not. We'll see...)
And while 'right effort' is one eighth of Buddhism's Eightfold Path, how it's to be decided fairly or effectively by committee still is problematic.
This is another good question. Who determines if you're pulling your weight? Your co-workers. How can workers evaluate each others' efforts? It happens all the time. Your co-workers aren't idiots. They're doing the same work as you. You know who's slacking. They know who's slacking. It's pretty easy stuff, actually. Anyone who has ever worked a job knows this.
Your next question will likely be something like, "What if my co-workers hate me and want to screw me?" The answer is you all work BJCs. No one is permanently in a position of power over you. Sometimes, you're in a position of power over them, depending on the task, or maybe day of the week, or however an individual workplaces decides the specific of its internal structure. But everyone in the economy works a BJC. You have no permanent "boss." No one else does either. If someone wanted to screw you, he'd be cutting off his nose to spite his face, because odds are good you'd just give it right back to him down the road -- perhaps even the same day. It would be economically illogical given the structural constraints of the economy for someone to try taking "money" (have to use this word carefully) out of your pocket.
My strategic goal is to get to the classless
Not with market-based allocation you won't.
stateless
This is just stupid. Any society has legislative, enforcement, and adjudicative requirements. They can't be wished away. The solution is not to have a "stateless" society, but rather, to have better institutions to accomplish the quite necessary political functions of legislation, execution, and adjudication.
because of abundance
When the oil runs out, it's going to take your "abundance" (if not the human race) with it.
marketless society
Okay, well, this is good...
of fully cybernated communism everywhere, where, as Marx put it, the free development of each is the necessary condition for the free development of all, where toil is done away with, and work, for the most part, becomes play.
...and this is nonsense. Allocation by central planning is authoritarian. For someone who's worried about parecon that "You accept the whole system and its rules, then work within it," advocating a society whose method of allocation is central planning only makes sense if you plan on being one the central planners -- a nice coordinatorist aspiration, certainly, but hardly congenial to working-class liberation.
Oh, it's also nonsense because you suffer from the same problem Brad has: You think we can have a mythical, magical, dream-like world where shitty tasks no longer exist. Evidently, such thinking is a coordinatorist thing. No working-class person would ever entertain ridiculous views like "work is play." Only a coordinator can pull that off.
That's way far off, but I think, so far anyway, that Schweickart's Economic Democracy model, which we can see at work on a relatively practical scale in Mondragon, offers a far more practical means of leaving the current system behind and then getting from here to there. But I'll admit, I'm an admirer of Dewey's instrumental theory of truth, rather than any coherence theory.
You might want to find out what Schweickart and Dewey think about allocation. It's a pretty important question when discussing economic theory and vision. I haven't read anything by Schweickart, but I'm betting dollars to donuts he's a market enthusiast. I'm mildly interested to know ... but not interested enough to look.
As for participatory democracy, a term popularized by Dewey
I hate the term "participatory democracy." It's stupid, empty, meaningless, and quite prone to co-optation by coordinatorists. As a tangential sidenote, I also hate the term "the bosses" because it obscures the existence of the coordinator class.
I'm also an admirer of Locke over Rousseau.
I'm not Noam Chomsky. I've never read anything by either of these guys. Don't plan to, either.
The latter wants the individual to submit to the 'general will,' which you can see in Eb's 'go along with the plan or die' attitude.
No, you don't have to die. Just like on the desert island, you pull your weight or starve. There's nothing authoritarian about that -- unless you're a coordinator whose idea of "pulling his weight" means going to management seminars and making big decisions about when we're all getting new linen carts.
I'm for a more libertarian socialism than what Parecon seems to be offering.
Why not, since "libertarian socialism" has no structure? You may as well be for world peace, or kids and families.
I'm skipping allocation for now...
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You attack me by claiming
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 10:20 AM
You attack me by claiming that I don't understand my own postition, which is not it at all, I understand my postition better than you understand yours.
I didn't say you didn't understand your position. To the contrary, I think you understand your position quite well. I'm just telling you your position is a load of horse shit.
To review, you said:
Your point about the difference between choosing to do 'shit work' and having to is the point. In a classless society there would be no have to. Therefore, there would be no difference and everyone could choose to do what ever they want to and there would be no 'shit work' per se.
You're just wishing away shit work.
But as I re-read this, there's something else worth addressing. You say that "everyone could choose to do what ever they want to." This is absurd. There's no recognition that not all tasks -- not jobs, tasks -- are created equally. That is, there's no recognition that some tasks are simply more pleasant or more empowering than other tasks.
Only a privileged person could hold such a view. No working-class person would ever even be able to entertain such a thought. What if people gravitate in large numbers toward certain tasks and away from others? That's okay, because in your mythical world that won't happen.
In your mythical world, everyone's made of sugar and spice and we'll all play nice and all the tasks are the same and we won't have to worry about how we apportion them. It's kind of like a Marxist saying we should only have one culture or one religion. You know, hey, we wouldn't fight over culture if we'd all just adopt one. Of course, in practice, this means we all adopt white culture, even if we're not white.
In your world, we just adopt one view of all the tasks -- they're all the same to you. But in your world, I know damn good and well who's going to be doing the shitty tasks. And it won't be you.
As I stated earlier, I actually prefer to do both 'shit work' and mental labor in a balance.
Wanting to do shit work -- you're still putting it in quotes -- and having to do it are two different things. You're privileged, so you actually have a choice.
I think most people would and could in a classless society.
In your society, why wouldn't they? In your society, it doesn't exist, because you've just wished shitty tasks out of existence.
There are no good jobs and no 'shit jobs' if you remove the class oppression and socialization of hierarchy.
Shit "job" or shit "work?" A job is a set of tasks. In a parecon, everyone works a balanced job complex, which is a fair mix of empowering versus rote tasks. Job complexes are balanced across the economy. But shitty tasks still exist -- indeed, everyone has to do their fair share of them.
But is a BJC shitty? Only to a coordinator or capitalist. To a worker, a BJC is real freedom. In your world though, there aren't even any shitty tasks, because, again, you wish them out of existence. But we're moving in circles again. Maybe Victor can spice things up with all the quotes I know I can depend on him to bring up from Albert's Parecon and other assorted writings on the topic.
I think you think that the only reason shitty tasks are shitty tasks is because society "says" they're shitty tasks. I think you think that in a good society, we'll all just stop calling shit work shit work, and voila! It will stop being unpleasant, undesirable work. It's like a Madison avenue re-branding trick. You tell people the Corvair they're buying is actually a Corvette, and then you sell them the Corvair ... while people like you are still rolling around in 'Vettes. Us Corvair drivers are supposed to just not notice that we're driving around in shit cars while you're pampering yourself in a hot sports rig, because you've glazed our eyes over to think that all cars are really the same -- when anyone with an IQ larger than their shoe size can see they're not. Well, clearly, if you're a 'Vette driver, that won't do. So you have keep hammering into the brains of us Corvair drivers over and over that all cars are the same, all cars are the same, all cars are the same ... and if you're lucky, us Corvair drivers might start believing the bullshit.
Well, it works for Madison avenue. Hell, it might just work for you too. That is, if working people really are as stupid as you think they are.
You have to break out of the competitive, class based capitalist mentality in order to grasp the fecundity and creative possibilities of human society.
For your next trick, why don't you call me a "young Hegelian."
Sorry, irresistible inside joke...
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Parecon is a model riddled
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 09:38 AM
Parecon is a model riddled with specialist jargon, non-intuitive rules, overly distributed decision-making, and requiring a fictional mindset wholly unrealistic in its assumptions about the nature of people and how they best live and work and derive happiness and security.
Can you give us a quote from Albert's Parecon (or anything else that's been written on the model) -- which I'm sure you're familiar with -- to give us an idea of what you're talking about?
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We had this debate in the 1960's Victor
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 08:06 AM
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Classes and their asses
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 08:04 AM
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Dark and Frightening
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 24, 2007 07:29 AM
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I told you. You're asking
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 23:16 PM
I told you. You're asking questions that require you to read the book. The only way to answer your questions is to introduce the entire model.
But okay...
No 'pledge' required because EVERYONE MUST do less desirable tasks, in rotation of some sort, whether they want to or not.
Everyone must work a balanced job complex. That means everyone does their fair share of shit work. Not sure I like the word "rotation" but it's good enough for a first approximation, I guess.
So how is it enforced?
You mean if you don't want to work, I presume. Parecon doesn't prejudge this. However, I would argue that parecon should let able-bodied people who don't want to work starve to death. I'm not doing your work for you.
Who decides MY 'fair share.'
Remuneration is for effort and sacrifice only. Remuneration might be for number of hours worked (since everyone works a BJC), or maybe with an effort rating assigned by your peers. Perhaps it will vary from workplace to workplace, or industry to industry.
There will be no large disparities in income though. Remuneration is for effort and sacrifice, not power or output. Job complexes are balanced across the economy. So to make more, you can work more hours, or work the hours you work at higher intensity. There are limits though as to how many additional hours one person can work, and how much more intensely one person can work.
That assumes you're in a parecon where there are workplaces that give effort ratings for intensity. You might be, you might not be. Parecon doesn't prejudge this. What the model says though is that remuneration is for effort and sacrifice only.
Do I get fired or have to quit if I don't go along?
As far as I'm concerned, those who can work but don't want to can literally die. That includes you.
Am I allowed to organize to win over a majority of the workers at a Parecon institution to severely alter or do away with the 'balances'?
Yes. In a mature parecon, good luck with that though.
If I win, are we allowed to ignore the principle?
If you win? Dismantling parecon after it's implemented? Um, good luck with that. But hey, if you win, you win. You won't, but if you feel the need to dream...
If I lose, and I am cast out, are my credits for getting my food from the communal stores wiped out, so I have to forage for food?
As I said, if you are capable of working, but just don't want to, you can die. Literally. I'm not carrying your lazy ass.
If I and other like-minded workers decide to set up our own firm where we ignore 'balancing,' are we allow to continue without being punished?
Yes, but you'll also be continuing with nothing to do. The economy will not allocate you any inputs, thus you'll have no outputs, thus you won't be working, thus you'll die. Under my preferred version of parecon anyway. Other, nicer people might allocate you bread and water. I, however, as has already been duly noted, am a prick.
Are we brought before a court?
Parecon doesn't prejudge this. I would say no. I would say we simply wait for you to die. Others may feel differently.
Are we fined or jailed?
See previous answer.
Or, if I just want to survive, can I set up a computer repair shop, and sell my services?
Go back three answers. Actually, check that. You can petition the economy for resources if you want to start a pareconish workplace. You might be able to do it. But since what you're wanting to do is escape the economy, the real answer is no.
If I get too many customers to handle alone, and hire some young apprentices, or just other workers, to help me, and we agree on the pay scale and division of tasks among ourselves, will we be shut down by the police, or whatever the enforcers are called, of what Parecon deems we MUST do?
No one will work for you, even if they were permitted to. They have no reason to. And, again, the economy won't allocate you any resources.
The devil is in the details here.
That's why you need to read to book.
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Your point about the
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 22:16 PM
Your point about the difference between choosing to do 'shit work' and having to is the point. In a classless society there would be no have to. Therefore, there would be no difference and everyone could choose to do what ever they want to and there would be no 'shit work' per se.
This claim is total horse shit. You're wishing away the unpleasant tasks that are going to exist in any economy. I could just re-post what I wrote two (I think it was) posts ago. You know, the one that prompted you to call me a prick.
On another note, you got indignant at first when I called shit work shit work, and now you've taken to putting "shit work" in quotes. This is a reflection of your deep coordinator-class bias.
If shit work isn't shit work, but rather just some tasks in the economy that some people prefer not to do but others don't mind doing, then the fact that you prefer not to do them is no big deal, since others don't mind doing them in your stead.
But if shit work is really shit work, then that means you are unfairly skating on the labor of others who are doing work that you don't want to -- and that they don't want to either. You'd have to face up to the unfairness of this situation. You'd have to look in the mirror and admit that you're benefiting from the labor of others in performing tasks that neither you nor they want to. But you're privileged, so you don't have to. They, lacking the privileges you take for granted, have no such luxury.
The solution for the class-biased person like yourself is to prattle on about there being no shit work in a classless society. Other variations on this theme include nonsense about zero-hour workdays:
Our book mentioned above, however, wants to abolish all classes, including the working class, primarily by reducing the amount of living labor time in any commodity towards zero, and shrinking the working day towards zero.
It's all just a way for persons with deep coordinator-class biases to avoid facing those biases in the mirror, the way any intellectually honest person should -- just like the way men should face their gender privileges, or whites should face their racial privileges -- but so often simply refuse to, because they don't have to.
Since we have now gone in a two-post circle, I am assuming this thread is complete. It's certainly been quite enlightening for me. I want to thank Mitchell for his blog post, and especially for all the work he did in debating Schweickart.
Sadly, it seems that parecon still has a long way to go before the broad left will even be able to begin thinking about it, much less implementing it. Workers' rights are still a long way off. "With friends like these..."
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Why people on Znet don't Quote others...
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 21:01 PM
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Incidentally, suppose a few
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 20:43 PM
Incidentally, suppose a few dozen of us were stranded on a desert island after a plane crash or something. Of course, we'd better get busy lest we all starve. Okay, so we do that. Then someone among us says, "You know, I really don't feel up to working anymore. The sun's hot, the sand digs into my feet, and I'd really have more fun just swimming in the ocean. Why don't you all do my work for me?"
How would you react to that? Well, perhaps the person has a very bad foot injury as a result of the crash. He really can't walk very well, and soaking it in the ocean helps alleviate the pain. Okay, fine. I don't think any of us would have a problem with that.
But suppose he's in perfect health. Now what's the reaction of everyone else likely to be? That's when Eric goes into real "prick" mode: "What the fuck do you mean, you don't want to work? We're trying to survive, and you just want to swim all day? You fucking bastard."
Then comes the reply from the person: "Well, you know, I'm a really smart guy, and I think my skills would serve the group better if you let me coordinate the work that you all do. I've got a college degree and I know a lot about computers and stuff. So just let me manage all the tasks you all do, and everything will be done a whole lot more efficiently."
Now Eric, formerly in "prick" mode, goes ballistic. But honestly, so would everyone else. And so would you.
But in a mature capitalist economy, this is exactly what we have. Lazy managerial fuckers who don't want to carry their fair share of the load. And it's institutionalized. And they're used to it. They've grown accustomed to their class privileges. And when someone, like me, calls them on it, they react vitriolically. It's funny, but people don't much like the idea of giving up privileges they've gotten used to having.
Men don't like it. Whites don't like it. And coordinators don't like it. Strange how that all works.
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I wish I weren't the only
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 20:25 PM
I wish I weren't the only person around here who ever quoted anybody. The target keeps moving. Oh well...
I have worked many, many working class jobs. I have also worked a few white collar jobs and to honest I am not sure which ones I prefered.
Wanting to do shit work and having to do shit work are two different things.
I also know many people who choose to do what you so arrogantly call 'shit jobs', but are very qualified for what I guess you would call better jobs.
Wanting to do shit work and having to do shit work are two different things.
If you think that changing geriatric diapers is the epitome of mannual labor or what you call 'shit jobs', then you have no clue what the real world is like or what real labor is.
I called it an "example." However, we could always substitute cleaning up toxic waste, working at McDonald's, driving a bus, cleaning toilets, working in a coal mine, answering the phone all day. Such work exists. In a good society, everyone must do their fair share of it. Carl has already intimated he'd prefer to pay someone more than do his fair share of the work:
If Parecon requires that everyone sign a pledge to do the work you describe, you're not going to get very far. Most people would simply rather pay people who do jobs that are less than desirable more to do them, or give them more free time, or some other benefit.
When it was finally made clear to him that, indeed, this was a requirement of parecon, he reacted more strongly:
Do I get fired or have to quit if I don't go along? Am I allowed to organize to win over a majority of the workers at a Parecon institution to severely alter or do away with the 'balances'? [emphasis added; and incidentally, when translated, the boldface part here means, "I don't want to do my fair share of shit work."] If I win, are we allowed to ignore the principle? If I lose, and I am cast out, are my credits for getting my food from the communal stores wiped out, so I have to forage for food?
If I and other like-minded workers decide to set up our own firm where we ignore 'balancing,' are we allow to continue without being punished? Are we brought before a court? Are we fined or jailed?
This is the typical coordinatorist reaction to the idea of balanced job complexes. At some level though, they must realize how selfish such sentiments are, because then they slip from bad-cop mode to good-cop:
But frankly, I think the guys, as much as they might appreciate a hand at this stuff, would rather I spend the time finding more new and interesting ways to teach them new things
Translated into English, this means, "Hey, you know, working-class people don't really want me to waste my talents doing their work anyway. It's better for all concerned if I keep doing my more privileged intellectual work, and even the workers agree."
I'm sure that in the mid-19th century, there were slaves who thought ending slavery was a bad idea. The unknown of it probably frightened them. That doesn't mean it was wrong to end chattel slavery.
However, the real point in going back and quoting Carl is that, I wonder, is your reaction any different? In a parecon, everyone must work a balanced job complex. For people who refuse? Well, parecon does not prejudge. However, as far as I personally am concerned, those who don't want to work (who are able) can starve to death.
Back to quoting you now:
You are a prick my friend.
Trust me, you are seeing the positively genteel me. I haven't even come close to "prick" mode yet.
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Who do you think you are telling me what I know.
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 18:46 PM
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Saying there will be no
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 16:07 PM
Saying there will be no jobs people won't want to do is not only highly offensive, it's stupid.
You don't have a clue what goes on in the real world. You don't have a a clue what it means to be working-class. You just don't get it.
I frankly think I will be wasting my time trying to explain it to you. But against my better judgment ... let's just take one example. You won't listen to it, but I'll try it anyway.
Are there going to be any old people in your "non-market driven competitive society?" Any of these old people going to be living in nursing homes? Any of these old people in nursing homes going to have to wear Attends (adult diapers) because they're incontinent of stool? Will these elderly people no longer need to be cleaned up in your mythical world? Will literal shit stop existing just because you want it to? You know, stool isn't always nice and compact. Sometimes people have shit all the way down their legs. But this doesn't mean anything to you, because you just wish it out of existence. And people like me have to clean up what you gleefully pretend does not exist.
The thing is, the shit's there, and people like me are cleaning it up while you and Carl are sharing a latte and looking over the books, patting yourselves on the back over your fine management skills.
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If you are going to insult
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 14:26 PM
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It would replace the suits
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 12:22 PM
It would replace the suits need for physical fitness by going to the gym with a few hours of ditch digging or farm labor. People would prefer to do the 'shit work' as it would be the hight of the society. I have direct experience with this drive to get back in touch with the physical as I worked on an organic community supported farm for a few years. Elite Yuppies loved to come out and get dirty and sweat, it had cultural cache and made them feel whole.
The tragically funny part is that you have no idea how offensive this is. In a way, it's not even your fault. I guess that's what Jesus meant when he said, "Forgive them, for they know not what they do."
You really don't have a clue.
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Coordinator class and revolutionary consciousness
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 09:43 AM
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Yes, I knew that was coming
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 23, 2007 07:02 AM
Yes, I knew that was coming as soon as I posted it. I've quoted you extensively in this thread, and you can't be bothered to quote me until you find one word you can jump on.
You are an elitist snob, and I'm finished with you.
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I believe there are two
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 22, 2007 21:20 PM
I believe there are two issues here: One is, what will it look like once we get there? And two, how do we get there? Certainly, it would be advisable not to have Homer Simpson run the power plants right now. We need expertise in certain critical areas, be it surgery or engineering or whatever. Right now, only certain people have that expertise. I am definitely not the person you want performing an appendectomy on you if you have appendicitis.
However, in a mature parecon -- and this begins to go toward issue 1, whoever performs appendectomies will also have to do their fair share of shit work. They won't be doctors in the 2007-sense of the word, though they will perform many of the same tasks that doctors in 2007 do. But in addition to medical tasks such as perform surgery, they will also do work currently done by, say, nurses and nurse aides, or perhaps even, say, janitors. The point is that, in a mature parecon, everyone works a balanced job complex, even people who occasionally perform surgery.
The second issue is, how do we get there? There are people who could answer this question infinitely better than me. However, it seems to me that it is absolutely vital, among whatever else is done, to raise consciousness about the existence of the coordinator class. I don't offer that as a comprehensive list. I offer it as what I believe to be one of many necessary conditions.
I'm not a hardcore Buddhist, but I'd read a decent amount (admittedly, "decent" is a relative term, but I've read more about Buddhism than I suspect most people have). There is an excellent book called Diamond Mind: A Psychology of Meditation by Rob Nairn, that was recommended to me by one of the Davids (Edwards or Cromwell) at Media Lens. (The Davids have read a lot of works on Buddhism, and have surely forgotten more about it than I will ever know.)
Anyway, Nairn talks about "mindfulness" -- knowing what is happening while it is happening. When we practice meditation -- well, those of us who do it, or occasionally do it, as in my case -- mindfulness naturally develops. We become aware of what Nairn calls "hidden reefs" -- viz., expectations, goals, assumptions -- in our minds, which cause our minds not to be tranquil, and prevent us from having insights into the way our minds work.
But as mindfulness develops, we begin to naturally see these hidden reefs. We don't have to try to make it happen, it just happens -- just like a child eats, and (unless the child is an Iraqi child shot by a U.S. soldier, or black child shot by a white police officer, or some such) grows up without trying, so too the development of mindfulness naturally makes our minds tranquil. (It's not that mindfulness makes us stop feeling or thinking, or even experiencing painful emotions, it's just that, even when we experience painful emotions, we can still be tranquil.)
In my opinion, raising consciousness about the existence of the coordinator class will work the same way. The more people are aware of its existence, the more people will naturally seek structures that seek to eliminate the structural basis of the class in the economy. If you really understand the classism is more than just how capitalists look at workers as tools, but also how coordinators do so as well, and how the 2007 left is so heavily a coordinator-class based movement, then it is my belief that people will naturally want to work to correct this. Not the coordinators, though. Most of them will feel their privileges threatened, and they will fight back -- chiefly, I think, by denying that they even constitute a separate class, by falling back on Marx's two-class model, instead of looking honestly at Albert and Hahnel's three-class model.
I also believe it is important to begin implementing BJCs in left organizations right now -- but again, that won't happen without a fight. If unions weren't the coordinatorist organizations they currently are, and instead were truly representative of working people, they would seek to educate workers about the fundamental points of parecon: Its reliance on BJCs, workers' councils, self management, and the replacement of markets by participatory planning.
Unions would teach workers that every economy has allocation. There is no way to not deal with the question of allocation when grappling with an economic model. In the U.S., where we have capitalism, allocation of resources between producers and consumers is done via competitive markets, which have all sorts of horrible effects on people and the environment. In the former Soviet Union, allocation was done via central planning, which also has horrible effects.
In both cases, the structural pressures of markets and central planning both give rise to class divisions. It is impossible to have an economy of scale whose mode of allocation is one of these two and also have a classless society. It can't be done. Even in the former Yugoslavia, where there were no capitalists, class divisions still existed, because the market-based allocation of the Yugoslav economy forced class divisions on the workplaces: Workers were ruled by coordinators. In the former USSR, there were also no capitalists, but allocation by central planning caused the same class division between coordinators and workers. But if one doesn't have the concept "coordinator" in her or his conceptual toolbox, then both Yugoslavia and the USSR look like classless societies.
Unions should educate workers about this. There can be no worker liberation without a new allocation mechanism. Pareconists believe that participatory planning is just such an allocation mechanism. Unions should also work to implement pareconish norms internally, but this won't happen without a fight. Sweeney and Stern are CEOs, not workers. They're coordinators.
There can be no worker liberation without BJCs. If you read Michael Albert's new book Remembering Tomorrow, he talks about the beginnings of South End Press. There were about 8 or 10 people who got together to form it. They wanted a democratic workplace. Parecon didn't exist as a theory. But they realized that if someone answered the phone all day, or did janitorial work all day, while someone else did fundraising all day, or talked to authors all day, then the people with the empowering jobs would eventually run SEP and dominate those who answered the phone all day. Hence, BJCs were born out of necessity, to create and maintain a truly democratic work environment. Without BJCs, there can be no worker liberation, because people like me will always be doing shit work for people wearing nice clothes and sitting behind desks.
Yes, if Cuban doctors go to Pakistan to help earthquake victims right now, or if they go to Venezuela to help poor people in the countryside where Venezuelan doctors refuse to go, I am not suggesting those Cuban doctors should be working BJCs right now. But 100 years from now, different conditions must exist. It is perfectly within the power of society to train more people to do medical tasks, so that, at that time, all people doing those tasks will work BJCs. Between then and now? In my opinion, it starts with raising consciousness, and with supporting pareconish efforts like The NewStandard or Z.
I don't know. The limits of my activism include talking to people and passing out radical propaganda. (Just this morning I gave away another copy of What Uncle Sam Really Wants and the latest issue of Z.) I'm no expert. But at the very minimum, I think, people must acknowledge the existence of the coordinator class. I support women's rights even though I'm a chauvinist. I support civil rights even though I'm a racist. And even though I'm a classist, I support workers' rights. But although I am not non-white and I am not female, I am a member of the working class. And as a worker I can tell you that there will never truly be working-class liberation until people are able to honestly look at the existence of the coordinator class, and its implications.
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Questions
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 22, 2007 17:44 PM
We seem to have skipped past the revolution or maybe not. Eric or anyone is it the (or your) pareconish position that the revolution is to plan and form and work through parecon institutions and for everyone (including alleged coordinator class agent Carl Davidson) start doing balanced job complexes right now...or are we discussing what the post-capitalist world should look like in a relatively distant future? Perhaps pareconistas want to plant the seeds within the womb of the old and (I wish) dying state corporate Daskapitalism...to have a bunch of alternative institutions up and running when it all comes down? I guess my question (not hostile, though possibly under-informed) is where and how does parecon relate to struggle within and against the current system? I confess to being sort of eclectically (if radically democratic) left (kind of like the Chicago left of the Haymarket era when you had all kinds of interesting anticapitalist folks - Lassalleans, Marxists, left-anarchs and more) fighting for the Eight Hour Day and (for many) the end of Wage Slavery (see the chapter titled "Bakunin Never Slept Here" in left anarchist historian Bruce C. Nelson's book Beyond the Martyrs) and tend to think that beggars can't be choosers when it comes to left allies in really existing society. It would be wonderful to be at the point where this sort of debate was the main issue.
Carl's point is a good one about the doctors in the AIDS-infested villages but the practical concerns about expertise in really existing society extend to daily life here in the 'rich nations.' I'm writing from Iowa City about a mile east of a power plant where I have eminently non-elitist reasons to have the trained engineeers not the guys with GEDs in charge of the dials and steam flows. A lot of the coordinator (or whatever) class's position seems written into the very "relations [and even forces] of production" and there would seem to be enormous technical difficulties that would obviously have to be resolved.
I imagine this is addressed in Albert's big work and confess to not knowing all that work yet (very high on my list...I admit to spending 98.7 of my intellectual energy on critizicizing the existing system) and worrying above all about the difficulty the American left, such as it, shows even in forming a coherent antiwar (anti-empire, not just anti Iraq War) movement that is more than a pale reflection of earlier antiwar struggles.
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I already have Albert's
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 22, 2007 16:28 PM
I already have Albert's 'Realizing Hope: Life Beyond Capitalism' on my desk now, 'ebpatton,' and a going through it. So be careful with your 'nevers.'
Different book. Parecon preceded Realizing Hope. Parecon is an in-depth description to answer your questions. It's pointless for me to introduce the entire model. If you seriously want to under parecon, read the book. Then come back, and I'll answer any question you want. But I'm not addressing the entire model here.
But to continue it anyway, you make an odd assertion. The capitalist class is certainly aware that it's a class. For the most part, the working class is too, although some have 'middle class' pretensions.
In a pareconish sense, the term "middle class" has no meaning whatsoever. It's not a concept in the model. Not that you're claiming it is, I'm just pointing it out.
Same with small producers.
What?
Yet you want to make a rather unique claim that the 'coordinator class' can't be aware of itself.
No, I have never said any such thing. I have not said the coordinator class "can't" be aware of itself. I have said, rather, that it isn't. Because it's not. You're living proof.
Why?
Because for the coordinator class to recognize itself would entail a tacit admission of unfair privileges within the economy. Coordinators would have to admit that it's not fair (for example) for nurse aides to be doing all the ass-wiping, while they (the coordinators) get to wear Armani suits and make important decisions all day.
In a roundabout way, that's a backhanded recognition of my point, it can't be aware of itself as a class because it doesn't exist as a separate class, but that's not what you're trying to get at, I'm sure.
What?
To be sure, there are people whose main task in making a living is coordination, but, as I asserted earlier, they can be in any one of three classes--workers, capitalists and self-employed small producers. What's wrong with that working hypothesis? I'm not denying the people or the work they do, or that they're part of a class according to the nature of their relation to ownership of the means of production. We could even call them a strata, if you like, but to call them a class in their own right would mean tossing out what I consider a perfectly good Marxist conception of class.
Karl Marx was a genius, and he got a lot of things right. But Marxism has a fatal flaw (actually more than one, but for our purposes, one is enough): It gets the economy wrong. Capitalism is a three-class economy, not a two-class economy. The only person who would argue that a nurse aide is equivalent to a doctor, since neither owns the hospital, is a member of the coordinator class.
That is, class relations do not just arise from a difference in ownership relations. They also arise from a difference in runs the workplaces the capitalists own. Capitalists themselves do not run them. They can't. So they hire coordinators to do it for them. And therein lies the basis for the third class -- the class that does not like to see itself.
Here's another point to think over. PARECON seems to make a claim that it's a classless society, when it's not. It has one very large class, a working class, and a few small producers.
Parecon has one class, or, if you prefer, no classes. I don't know where you're imagining these "small producers" from. Of course, some workplaces, or perhaps even whole industries, might be "small," but parecon does not prejudge this. People make these types of allocation decisions in light of true social costs and benefits.
Our book mentioned above, however, wants to abolish all classes, including the working class, primarily by reducing the amount of living labor time in any commodity towards zero, and shrinking the working day towards zero.
Honestly, this a ridiculous claim. "Shrinking the working day towards zero?" It's time to put the bong down and slowly back away. In any society, there will be work that must be done. We can't just sit on the beach all day drinking mai tais.
Full cybernation takes a while, but it's a rather different approach than PARECOM
It's got to be much different if it involves, what, rampant hedonism as the economic activity of choice?
This conversation is getting pointless though. You and David Schweickart build your movement, us pareconists will build ours, and in 75 years we'll see who wins.
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However, you won't do this,
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 22, 2007 07:12 AM
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Now it's time for you to
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 22, 2007 07:07 AM
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But on reflection over the
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 21, 2007 16:38 PM
But on reflection over the years, and considering the problems I've seen in that part of the world, and how people can suffer from the lack of things these people would be doing at their regular jobs, I've thought better of it. And it 'remoulded consciousness' alright. Even many of the peasants though it a waste, and overthrew the Gang of Four first chance they got.
Incidentally, this argument about how "people can suffer from the lack of things these people would be doing at their regular jobs" is elitist. It rests on the assumption that the rest of the population has no trainable talents. In a mature parecon, everyone will be trained up to the level of their capability. Yes, there is an opportunity cost when a doctor wipes a patient's ass instead of performing surgery. But since someone must wipe that patient's ass, there in an opportunity cost no matter who does -- unless one assumes only those currently working as doctors are qualified to perform surgery, and that no one else can be trained to do it.
The fact is that there is so much talent and human potential wasted under capitalism. Any fair economy is going to train people up to their potential -- which more than off-sets a few doctors having to wipe asses, or lawyers having to do their own filing, or managers having to swing a mop sometimes.
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If Parecon requires that
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 21, 2007 16:26 PM
If Parecon requires that everyone sign a pledge to do the work you describe, you're not going to get very far. Most people would simply rather pay people who do jobs that are less than desirable more to do them, or give them more free time, or some other benefit.
No, parecon requires no signed "pledge." However, parecon does require that everyone work a balanced job complex. That means everyone must do some shit work. In a parecon, one may not simply remunerate the garbage collector more highly than the doctor in order to ensure that garbage collection gets done. Rather, everyone must do their fair share of garbage collection, or some other equivalent shit work.
No, use new technology to get rid of the worst toil, and pay more for that work that technology can't solve in the near term.
Just to reiterate the point: In a parecon, everyone must do their fair share of the "worst toil." No one is more highly compensated for doing it than someone else who is not doing it, because there is no someone else. Everyone is doing their fair share of the worst toil.
It is precisely this fact that so strongly motivates the economy to "use new technology to get rid of the worst toil" to the greatest extent possible, since, in a parecon, everyone benefits from the elimination of shit work -- unlike today, where some people benefit from increased profits, while others suffer due to having their livelihood automated out of existence.
In a parecon, paying "more for that work that technology can't solve" is not an option. The only option is that everyone do their fair share of shit work. And anything less is a violation of the rights of the working class.
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I'm not interested in what
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 21, 2007 07:14 AM
I'm not interested in what you've done. I'm interested in knowing what you're willing to do. Are you willing to work a job where some of your regular tasks include, say, cleaning toilets or sweeping floors? How about backbreaking work like turning 300-lb. (or more) stroke patients on a ventilator? Or how about cleaning that patient up after they've contracted c-diff and have stool down to their knees?
Are you willing to do your fair share of this type of work? Or do you think it should be okay for you to sit in an office all day making important decisions while I break my back and expose myself to viruses like HIV and hepatitis C, or even tuberculosis -- all of which I have done ... and in a parecon, would likely do again.
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You sound to me like a
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 20, 2007 13:19 PM
You sound to me like a coordinator who doesn't want to do his fair share of shit work.
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Carl writes: Not only are
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 20, 2007 09:28 AM
Carl writes:
Not only are your examples of PARECON in practice rather small, Mitch, they are VERY small.
I'd say they hardly, all together, reach the scale of 'The Farm' in Tennessee started by Stephen and Ida Mae Gaskin, along with a few old friends of mine. And I liked them all there, especially Ida Mae, renowned author of 'Spiritual Midwifery.' The Farm's still around, by the way, even though it's changed quite a bit.
Quoting my first post on the matter, I said the following:
Regarding currently-existing pareconish organizations, there are several I am aware of: Z (Woods Hole, MA), South End Press (Boston, MA), The NewStandard (Syracuse, NY), Cafe Mondragon (Winnipeg, MB), G7 Welcoming Committee Records (Winnipeg, MB), and Reverse Garbage (Brisbaine, Australia). In all these workplaces, which are all admittedly small, and all lacking in resources... [emphasis added]
Carl then writes:
But no one has yet answered my point that we certainly do have people who coordinate, or carry out coordinating tasks, and that they can be part of any one of three classes in modern society. But they are not a 'new class' themselves.
Now, in my first post, note that I wrote the following:
The only way I can imagine someone not seeing the existence of the coordinator class is by being a member of that class.
I also wrote that the coordinator class consists of people like doctors, lawyers, managers, and engineers. Now, observe that Carl writes that:
For instance, I'm on a design team of eight or so groups creating a new public (not a charter) high school in the Austin neighborhood on the West Side
Now, I don't know if this means Carl does this for a living, or if he's just some sort of volunteer. But it certainly sounds as if Carl is some sort of engineer or architect in his professional life. If this is indeed the case, then my prediction about members of the coordinator class being unable to see themselves as a class is confirmed.
Regarding parecon's values, Carl writes:
Equity: every worker has one vote, and the workers decide whateve differences there are in incomes.
Carl is not correctly defining equity, however. Equity (in a pareconish sense), means that people are remunerated for effort and sacrifice only, and not for power or output. Equity does not mean “one worker, one vote.” And equity means that income disparities are due only to people's unequal effort and sacrifice, nothing else.
Carl writes:
The coops also create their own schools and university, and choose younger workers, mainly, to attend them and enhance their skills. Not quite 'balanced job complexes', but if the workers thought they made sense, there's nothing stopping them from trying to do it.
If a workplace doesn't have balanced job complexes, it is not pareconish. Period. It may be more humane than General Motors, or remunerate more decently than Wal-Mart. But it is not pareconish.
Carl writes:
They have plenty of solidarity, and a 'social council' they elect by department, to serve both as a sort of trade union to buffer or counter any arrogance or favoritism, as well as attend to educational and social needs generally. Taken together, all that counts as self-management in my book.
Carl seems to be confusing values here. Self-management means, quite simply, that everyone has a say over decisions that affect their lives to the degree that those decisions affect their lives. Self-management is independent of solidarity (which means that systemic arrangement foster greater mutual concern and empathy, not less).
If there is a permanently entrenched coordinator class, neither self-management, solidarity, nor equity are going to exist. In the short-run, such values might be approximated. But it in the long-run, any violations of these norms are going to snowball to non-optimality. That is, there are no mechanisms to self-correct imbalances. It's like turning a bowl upside down and placing a marble on it. One slight puff of air and the marble is gone.
Parecon is designed to be turning the bowl right-side up. Now if the marble is moved, it returns eventually to the center. Problems do not snowball. Albert and Hahnel have demonstrated in Quiet Revolution in Welfare Economics (Princeton Press, 1990) how in any market-based or centrally-planned economy, all sorts of deleterious effects are guaranteed to occur once any sort of imbalance occurs, even in “nice” theoretical models, let alone what actually happens in real-world economies.
But I digress...
Carl then writes:
The real question is, do we need coordination? But it seems strange even to ask it. Of course we do.
This is a straw man. No pareconist anywhere has ever claimed that coordination is not necessary. Of course those tasks exist in any economy. The issue is who does the tasks: A permanently entrenched class of people, that is, a small group of people who monopolize those tasks for themselves, while everyone else follows that small group's orders? Or will the tasks be fairly distributed among all workers as part of those workers' balanced job complexes?
Carl writes:
So coordinators, or those with the task of coordination, are going to be around for a while.
Again, of course coordination tasks are going to be around for a while. To be specific, such tasks are going to be around as long as human beings are – though human beings are not likely to be around much longer unless everyone is willing to do their fair share of swinging a mop or cleaning a toilet. The world can't take much more capitalism or coordinatorism (the former Soviet Union was hardly a clean place).
Carl writes:
The real question is can you select them, or get rid of them in good time if they don't do well, and train and select others who will.
Of course, in the real world, once a group of coordinators is selected, they are going to begin to consolidate their power and privileges, and insulate themselves from a workforce that itself is going to grow increasingly apathetic as they realize their voices don't count as much in decision-making, since they don't even know what's going on. That is, if one person sweeps a floor all day, while another one pours over the books, then the floor sweeper isn't going to be in position to do anything, or even know anything, if the bookkeeper is a nincompoop, or worse yet, is an embezzling criminal.
Carl writes:
I've worked in factories, as I'm sure many of you have.
And now, Carl is some sort of engineer or architect? Is this correct?
Carl writes:
But one of the first things they'll likely do is assign a group to be coordinators, from among themselves or hired from outside, or both, then give them an idea of what they want done, and keep on their case to coordinate the doing of it well.
Yes and no. This actually happened, by the way, in the former Yugoslavia. Workplaces there were formally worker controlled. Yet a U.S. Ford factory was indistinguishable from a Yugoslavian Yugo plant. Why? In Yugoslavia, there were no capitalists. And in Yugoslavia, the workers formally ran their own factories. So why was there coordinator-class rule there?
In a economy whose mode of resource allocation is markets, as is the case in the U.S. and was the case in the former Yugoslavia, firms must compete in order to survive. Firms must maximize profits, or else there won't be a firm. How do firms maximize profits? They cut wages and benefits, increase the number of hours everyone has to work, and increases the amount of work everyone must do doing those hours. It's pretty straightforward. It's also unpleasant. So workers, not wanting to do deleterious things to themselves, hire a coordinator class to do it for them. The coordinator class becomes entrenched, gives itself perks and privileges, and voila, working-class autonomy is out the window.
The workers aren't going to “keep on [management's] case” about what needs to be done. The workers are tired and de-skilled. They don't know what's going on. They're not in position to make decisions, because they don't know the decisions being made, and they don't have the information needed to assess those decisions anyway. Pretty soon, you've got Yugo plants in Sarajevo which look just like Lada plants in Moscow which look just like Ford factories in Detroit. A visitor from Mars would be hard-pressed to tell the difference. And so would the workers.
If we're on the side of the workers, we all have to work a balanced job complex. If we don't, we're not on the side of the workers. If I told you I was for women's rights, but that I was against abortion rights, you'd be highly unlikely to believe that I was really for women's rights. Well, if you're opposed to working a balanced job complex, then as a former $11/hour ass-wiping nurse aide and now-currently unemployed member of the working class, I'm telling you that you're not for workers' rights.
Of course, the response will be, "But Eric, other workers don't feel that way." Yes, they don't feel that way yet. They don't even know what parecon is yet. If unions really represented workers -- which they most certainly do not -- they'd be educating workers about parecon, and they'd be implementing it internally themselves. Yet unions, totally predictably, do neither of these things.
I wasn't alive in the 60s, but I am assuming it took a while before women realized they had rights. I am guessing there were a few farsighted women who realized that (for instance), "Wait a damn minute. We should have control over our own bodies." These few women proceeded to tell other women about these rights all women should have, but (I presume) it took a while before a critical mass of women developed who agreed with the few farsighted women who began the process.
I am speaking to you as a member of the working class telling you the same thing, but in a different context. Just as no one who does not support women's reproductive rights can truly be considered to be for women's rights, I am telling you that no one who is opposed to working a balanced job complex can truly be considered to be for workers' rights.
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I also believe there is
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 19, 2007 19:33 PM
I also believe there is another angle from which to approach questions about parecon. Parecon is founded on four core values: equity, solidarity, diversity, and self-management (one could also include efficiency as a value, though I don't personally find it necessary, and when I discuss parecon with people, I usually only mention it tangentially, and go into more detail later if the person I'm speaking to has efficiency concerns). In conversations with people, I define each of these values. I then say that two of these values (viz., solidarity and diversity) and completely non-controversial. I say that self-management is mostly non-controversial, though potentially a little so, but I don't spend much time on why, since for the people I'm talking to (usually working-class people), it's not really necessary.
Then I say that equity is the highly controversial value, since coordinators and capitalists don't care much for the idea of remuneration for effort and sacrifice only, with no remuneration for power or output (as in coordinatorist economies), or for power, output, or property (as in capitalist economies). Coordinators and capitalists hate hate hate HATE the idea of remuneration for effort and sacrifice only, which is what makes equity so controversial (though among the working-class, equity is virtually never controversial at all, but rather seemingly common sense once it's thought about for a bit).
Anyway, this other approach to parecon (which is really just following the approach of Parecon: Life After Capitalism) is to state the values, define the values, then ask the question of the critic: "Do you agree with these values?" If no, then further discussion is pointless. The critic need only be honest about his or her distaste for one or more of the values, and everyone can agree to disagree at that point and simply go home. If the critic, however, does agree with the values, then it's simply a matter of demonstrating how capitalism and coordinatorism systematically violate each of the four values (or five values, if you include efficiency), while showing that only parecon upholds and even propels all four (or five) values.
It's really not difficult at all for anyone being even remotely intellectually honest -- which coordinators pretty much never are, because they have privileges they don't want to give up and therefore must rationalize.
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Response to Carl's comments...
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 19, 2007 18:13 PM
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It's probably true that the
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 19, 2007 10:00 AM
The only way I can imagine someone not seeing the existence of the coordinator class is by being a member of that class. Anyone who has, for example, worked as nurse aide knows that being a nurse aide and being a doctor are two different things, even if neither owns the hospital. It is true that there are coordination tasks in a workplace; any workplace is a just set of tasks, and some of those tasks are coordination tasks. The point is that in capitalist economies (as well as in coordinatorist economies like the former USSR), there is a permanently entrenched group of people who monopolize these coordination tasks -- people like doctors, lawyers, managers, engineers -- people who have a high degree of control over their own work circumstances, as well as the circumstances of many other people, not to mention above average remuneration for their efforts.
Regarding currently-existing pareconish organizations, there are several I am aware of: Z (Woods Hole, MA), South End Press (Boston, MA), The NewStandard (Syracuse, NY), Cafe Mondragon (Winnipeg, MB), G7 Welcoming Committee Records (Winnipeg, MB), and Reverse Garbage (Brisbaine, Australia). In all these workplaces, which are all admittedly small, and all lacking in resources, members work a balanced job complex and are remunerated for effort and sacrifice, not power or output -- as opposed to workplaces in either the current United States, or the former USSR, which were virtually indistinguishable.
I'm no expert on Venezuela. However, in the long run, there is a great danger in the Venezuelan experiment. If structural class differences are not addressed -- then eventually, the movement will break down due to its own internal contradictions. At some point, you're either empowering the working-class (meaning the people who currently swing the mops, answer the phones, wipe the patients' dirty asses, clean the toilets, empty the trash cans, mine the coal, drive the buses, or whatever), or you're empowering someone else -- be it the owners or the coordinators.
In the former USSR, there were no capitalists. Yet the USSR was hardly a worker paradise; it was not a worker-run society. So who ran it? The coordinator class. If you don't have "coordinator class" in your conceptual toolbox, you can't properly analyze Soviet economices. And if you don't have that class in your mind as you build a movement, you're either going to build a movement that leads to coordinatorist rule (as in Russia), or you're not going to build a movement at all (as in the U.S., now) -- at least not an effective one, if your goals are, say, stopping global warming, ending racism and sexism, or winning new economic, kinship, cultural, and political institutions. However, if your goal is to win sops from power, then recognizing the class is not necessary.
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On behalf of pareconists
By Kissenger, Clark at Feb 18, 2007 20:22 PM
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