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September 2006

Volume , Number 0


Activism

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Commentary

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Culture

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Features

Protesting
Sara Yassky


Vets for Peace
Lt. ehren Watada


Latin America
Marie Trigona


Memorial
Brian Tokar


Healthcare
Kip Sullivan


Agriculture
Michael Steinberg


Hotel Satire
Lydia Sargent


Interview
Cynthia Peters


Filing Suit
Ari Paul


Labor Notes
Rachel Parsons


Ecology
Sharat g. Lin


Stock Report
Bob Libal


Fog Watch
Edward Herman


Campaigns
John Gibler


Justice?
Adam Elkus


Foreign Policy
Tom Crumpacker


Dorothy Ray Healey, Activist
Marc Cooper


Beyond Same-Sex Marriage
Michael Bronski


Striking
Harry Brill


Advocating
Olga Bonfiglio


Z Papers
Darwin BondGraham


Eyes Right
Chip Berlet


Quiddity
Kaveh Afrasiabi


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The Colombian Triangle

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A lawsuit filed in June in a U.S. District court against Coca-Cola on behalf of a murdered Colombian labor organizer has intensified a long-running human rights campaign against the beverage giant. The International Labor Rights Fund and the United Steelworkers of America filed a similar lawsuit several years ago. This time, they are holding the company directly responsible.  

This suit claims that in 2002 paramilitary forces in Barranquilla, Colombia, conspiring with both the government and the managers at the town’s Coca-Cola bottling plant, killed union activist Jesus Munera. The suit was filed in Florida under the Alien Torts Act. The Coca-Cola company is named as a defendant. 

Eight labor leaders have been assassinated at Coca-Cola bottling plants in Colombia since 1989 and many others have been physically attacked, threatened, or harassed. These crimes have caused the movement to boycott the company to grow in U.S. and European anti-sweatshop and labor circles. More than a dozen college campuses have banned Coca-Cola products as a result and several union locals have signed onto the boycott. 

Daniel Kovalik, assistant general council for the steelworkers’ union, claims that the ILRF and his organization warned Coca-Cola about paramilitary activity at bottling plants. Ray Rogers of the Campaign to Stop Killer Coke also says that at least one Coca-Cola representative admitted keeping word of such warnings from the Colombian food workers’ union. 

Coca-Cola has long claimed that it has been aware of the political violence in Colombia and has enacted protective measures for their workers. But Kovalik still holds the Atlanta-based company culpable. According to him, the bottling plant is a joint venture between Coca-Cola FEMSA (the South American bottler) and the Coca-Cola Company— Coca-Cola has 46 percent ownership of Coca-Cola FEMSA. Therefore, the attorneys reason, if managers at the plant conspired with Munera’s killers then the company must answer for that. “They cannot wiggle out of this,” Kovalik said. 

Rogers, who spends much of his time coordinating the nationwide boycott of Coca-Cola, sees the development as another blow against the company among others as of late. The City University of New York Law School recently kicked Coca-Cola off its campus, like many other campuses in the U.S. have done. “I know that there’s a lot more,” he said referring to issues that the boycott movement could exploit. “I know we could cause great harm.” 

This case also comes at a time when the Colombian Administrative Department of Security (DAS)  has been exposed for supplying vital information and assistance to the right-wing paramilitary group, United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), which is considered a terrorist organization by the U.S. government. Officials in a government department (DAS) devoted to protecting people like factory workers instead aided and abetted in this violence. This collusion has been a major scandal in the country and the focus of many human rights organizations. 

Regardless of these issues, the company believes this current lawsuit is an attempt to open a closed case. “The death of Mr. Munera is a tragedy that is unrelated to his employment,” said Kerry Kerr, a spokesperson for the company. “His murderer was convicted and is currently in prison serving a 17year sentence.” There is also the sentiment that things are improving in Colombia. “The new head [of DAS] is reported to be honest and has fired 70 employees,” said Heather Hanson, director of the U.S. Office on Colombia, a nonprofit organization in Washington. 

Munera, who was killed in 2002, was the last union leader at a Coca-Cola plant to be murdered, according to the Campaign to Stop Killer Coke. But paramilitary groups continue to harass Coca-Cola workers. In September 2005 Luciano Enrique Romero Molina, also a member of the Colombian food workers union and a former Nestle worker, was murdered in Valledupar. 

Rogers believes that the fate of Coca-Cola workers is intertwined with the nation’s troubled political situation. Colombia is one of the most dangerous nations for labor activists and the nation has been the recipient of billions of U.S. aid dollars. “There is a symbiotic relationship between the paramilitaries, the government, and multinationals like Coca-Cola,” Rogers said. 

Kovalik agreed that while the lawsuit names Coca-Cola as a defendant there is also a greater issue at hand. The overall situation, he said, “calls into grave question the propriety of the U.S.’s continued commitment to aid for the Colombian military forces.” 


A ri Paul is a freelance writer. His articles have been published in Z, the American Prospect, In These Times , and openDemocracy. 
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