What Makes A Revolutionary?
This is something the Left has to tackle and quick.
Ever since I drifted off into the far-Left I have routinely found inarticulate radicals who wax poetic over poly-syllabic words with nothing but profound ignorance and cynicism to show for it.
To destroy or not to destroy, that is the question. No! To create or not create, that is the question, and a revolutionary will note the significance of creation, not destruction.
Anyone can destroy. If all we can do to contribute to revolution is destroy then we are better off sitting down and shutting up.
We know Capitalism is a predator. We know that the dominant economic systems create class divisions, they cater to the affluent while indignant to the indigent, they reduce the quality of life to a quantity; that the very fabric of our lives are reduced to commodities to be sold, bought or traded on a cold, stale, soulless, anti-social market – a system that should be abolished!
We know that racism eats at our commonalities and diverts us from finding solidarity. We know that creating divisions or schisms amongst ourselves hurts us.
We know that, as John Lennon famously sung, women are the niggers of the world. Black men can be oppressed for being black but black women can be oppressed on multiple fronts (i.e. lesbian, atheist, poor, black and female). The early feminist movement was dominated by privileged white women who saw being house wives as oppressive and wanted to fight to have a life outside of their homes while women of color or poor white women felt left out since they needed a fight to have a life in their homes! Anyone who pays close enough attention to how men act or how women are treated can see that while some progress may have been made, we are still a long way off from battling sexism.
We know that Representative Democracy is a sham. Chomsky once noted that so long as economies are not democratic then democracy is just that, a sham. But even a political democracy can be undemocratic. We know politicians lie. We know they can be cut off from who they are supposed to represent. We know that once in office they can turn on us and that the electoral system is structured in such a way that not only do incumbents almost always win but the candidates with the most corporate backing almost always win. Furthermore, we know we don't want Soviet or Chinese-style Communism.
In other words, I can strike up a conversation with nearly anyone who walks into my office, or that I encounter in my daily life and we can reasonably agree on most things about social life.
But what makes a revolutionary? Is it in knowing these things? Is it in knowing it should be stopped? Hardly.
On places like facebook.com you can find plenty of groups and causes discontent with capitalism. But if you say then be a part of a solution you will hear comments like this from elements of the Left who like to put on a good show about how radical and rebellious they are:
I tend to lean more towards the nihilistic destruction of the existing order. Parecon is just reformism… I consider myself to be an Insurrectionary/anti-civilization anarchist… Cartesian dualism has placed such limits on our thinking that life outside of quantitative logic is, for the most part, inconceivable to us.
These are real quotes from a real person who fits the description above. We need to be addressing these elements of “our side” more. And we should consider doing so by addressing what it means to be a revolutionary.
Being a revolutionary means creating, not destroying; we know some things are wrong so we need to know how to fix them, transcend them and so on.
Being a revolutionary means tapping the “hearts and minds” of society and gaining their support and participation; talking about destruction or the inconceivability of change on the part of “the stupid masses” or that proposing models to experiment with is undesirable (this is a silly paradox where the model being proposed is not really no model, but being unprepared since if we just waited for some unforeseen optimal time to act without having a preconceived model to experiment with our first order of the day would be to rush to the creation of a model to experiment with, thus undermining ourselves; and hasn’t this been one of the chief failures of social revolutions in the past?) is not productive and is a predictable turnoff to potential supporters. There is no better way to win approval than to reach people on their level and to do so in a fun and invigorating way. For example, my mother is somewhat liberal but very cautious of the radical left. When she saw pictures and articles on the carnival type atmosphere of activists protesting George Bush she not only felt their messages reached her but that the event looked fun. For the first time she saw the Left in ways that were not somber or reactionary, but full of humor, hope and insight.
Being a revolutionary means seeking to improve the welfare of society as a whole, to seek improved conditions and relations amongst ourselves while keeping our eye on the goal: social liberation. We shouldn’t fight for livable wages just to have livable wages. We should want livable wages because it is part of a far-reaching goal to have a truly liberated society. The same holds true for various other reforms or programmatic steps. We may want monetary policies to be adjusted to clamp down on capital flight or price controls so that livable wages are not offset by an increase cost of living; we may want to redefine property ownership of productive assets; we may want to institute progressive or more fair taxations; we may want to greatly increase the inheritance tax; we may want to reform campaign finance so that corporate interests don’t dominate; we may want to make health care and higher education free to all; we may want to strengthen labor unions or reform them internally to be more democratic; we may want to provide affordable housing for all; we may want to create participatory budgeting councils so that local communities can have more control over their local economy (we may want to expand that to nationally).
We may want all of these things, and more, to lead to something more transformational, more revolutionary: a participatory society where we have a meaningful say over our lives and take into consideration the impact our decisions have on others (i.e. self-management and solidarity). But we cannot get there unless we build our support base, and we cannot build our support base unless we can be creative in ways to be more inclusive.
If an anarchist on stilts juggling shoes to throw at Bush can reach my mother than surely we can find ways to make revolution and social liberation look as American as apple pie.



Strawmen
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 18, 2009 14:43 PM
And you will see finer criticisms against blueprints, among other things, here http://www.ruthlesscriticism.com/
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Re: Strawmen
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 19, 2009 14:58 PM
I would rather have a well thought out model to experiment with than to sit on my hands and wait for the right time and then rush through coming up with better alternatives spontaneously. For reasons that dont need to be explained.
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Re: Re: Strawmen
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 19, 2009 19:06 PM
This is quite a false dichotomy! The opposite of not offering future schemes is not to sit on one's hands. For one thing, you could engage in analysis. Beyond this, how can you know that something's a "well thought out model" if you've yet to "experiment" with it? I'd strongly suggest reading Pannekoek's 'Worker Councils" for, among other things, a very convincing critique of blueprints.
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Re: Re: Re: Strawmen
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 20, 2009 07:01 AM
I am not even sure what "blueprint" you think I am offering. The only thing I can think of is my advocacy for parecon. Outside of that and limited to this article there is no blueprint. There is only a subjective analysis of what I think a Revolutionary is; someone who creates not destroys, someone who seeks broad popular support and growth and someone who seeks to improve the welfare of society at large while staying focused on long term goals of social transformation. This isnt a blueprint. This is a strategy. There is a huge difference between the two.
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Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 16, 2009 16:13 PM
"There is no better way to win approval than to reach people on their level and to do so in a fun and invigorating way."
This is a platitude based on a dubious premise that, like the essay as a whole, is largely a call for propaganda and party-building.
The last line is especially significant for revealing that these types of efforts to win public "approval" defaults into appeals to pre-existing mass ideologies which are part of the problem, e.g. nationalism.
It seems like a mistake to be proffering "solutions" when you haven't demonstrated that you understand the problem.
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Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 19, 2009 14:52 PM
Any movement needs popular approval to succeed. Whether Obama or more radical Leftist (or even further to the Right). Radical Leftist initiatives do need to consider how they express themselves and whether they conduct themselves in ways that nurture growth. So the point is rather moot. Listen, assuming we agree on the criticisms of various issues about race, sex, politics and economics and assuming we aspire to a more humanistic alternative the point I am making is that a revolutionary is an optimist who creates, seeks to improve the welfare of society as a whole and carries out his or her activities in ways that dont alienate them from society and nurtures growth and broad support.
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Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 19, 2009 19:38 PM
The point is not moot at all; you've only defended one platitude with another. A movement, you assert, "needs popular approval to succeed." This is a circular argument, as a "movement" already indicates popular approval. But, for the sake of argument, what your assertion ignores is that popular sensibilities-approval are not static and can/should in fact be influenced through convincing analyses and arguments. Look at the history of the abolitionists, who were despised and attacked for decades. They, at their best, made the status quo conform to their principles, not the other way around. The alternative is to be Michael Moore: opportunistic, shallow, passe, and far more patronizing than convincing in his American-as-apple-pie shtick.
Concerning this thing about revolutionaries being optimistic: this optimism you refer to is in fact historically interlinked with bourgeois ideology. Obama is the king of optimism, yet you seek to tap this same depoliticizing ideology. Similarly, you advocate "creation" over "destruction." Beyond its semantic in/significance, this doesn't seem well thought out. Are you opposed to destroying, say, racism, racist institutions, the death penalty, and imperial warfare? Are you, for that matter, opposed to destroying (i.e. negating, eliminating, ending) cancer? Do you advocate "creating" something to take the place of cancer, or is it more reasonable to speak of the desirability of "destruction" after all?
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Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 20, 2009 07:13 AM
Josh, I am finding two things prevalent in your comment: 1) you are tilting at windmills in that you are misinterpreting what I am saying and then arguing against your own misinterpretations; and 2) are being overly antagonistic.
I wrote this largely in response to would-be Revolutionaries who use negative and violent metaphors to describe their views. I have pointed out that this is counter productive. Because if one is serious about revolutionary change we must address that the real goal is to create a better world. Destroying a dystopia is hardly revolutionary if it does nothing to address what is to be (un)done. Also, we should consider how we express ourselves. Propaganda is an important element. How we propagate our views can define how others interpret and understand them which in turn can have an impact on whether we grow or not. You said that pointing this out was "circular" because a movement implies popular support but then you immediately provided a contradictory example of abolitionists who are "despised and attacked for decades." Clearly movements can be small and a minority, and clearly a movement that is big and majority has a higher rate of success. So clearly, from a strategical standpoint, any radical Leftist movement should seek to be big and a majority and if how we conduct ourselves has an impact then we should take that seriously. And just because Obama uses optimism doesnt mean that radical Leftists shouldnt use it either. This is an absurd logic. The difference between Obama and radical Leftism is in the finer details of their agenda, and not to be based loosely on particular strategies.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 20, 2009 10:41 AM
I didn't suggest that because Obama does A., you should not. I wrote "Obama is the king of optimism, yet you seek to tap this same depoliticizing ideology." I was noting that optimism is, historically speaking, a bourgeois and depoliticizing ideology. This is not mere name calling, but indicates some of the problematic political implications of "hope." If a revolution happens, it will more likely happen after people's optimism has been trashed by reality. Invariably, however, there will be people who discourage "antagonism" and "negativity" in the name of "hanging in there." Perhaps (in the spirt of optimism) we can conclude with a book exchange. You should read Anton Pannekoek's 'Workers' Councils' and Raya Dunayevskaya's 'Marxism and Freedom.'
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 20, 2009 12:10 PM
"I was noting that optimism is, historically speaking, a bourgeois and depoliticizing ideology."
Bullshit.
Che Guevara, Buenaventura Durruti and Nestor Makhno were optimists, positive in their outlook and hardly "bourgeois."
Again, just because some counter-revolutionary characters exploit false sense of optimism to placate the general public does not mean that optimism or positivity is a tool for "a bourgeois and depoliticizing ideology." In that narrow sense every strategy can be reduced with the same argument. Anything and everything can have multiple uses, and just because something has or can be used malovently has no bearing on its efficacy if used benevolently.
Double-again, if we take revolutionary changes seriously then we shold be cognizant of how we carry ourselves. The reason is simple: we seek to win. To win we need broad support, and if we conduct ourselves in ways that are a turn off to others than we are being counter-productive to our desire to win. Pure and simple. This doesnt mean lying or deceiving people.
And not only should we act in ways that increase and sustain our support base but we should also be prepared for the challenges we seek to address. If we want to tackle issues of sex, race, politics and economics (and so on) then we should be aware of what the problems are, how certain social, cultural or institutional practices impact them and what could be more preferable alternatives to experiment with. If you opt to call this a "blue print" instead of a strategy then that is your call, Josh. In that sense I guess I would admit to be advocating a blue print.
Thanks for the latter book suggestion.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 20, 2009 18:02 PM
Che, Makhno, et al. were not disavowing "destruction" for "creation."
And guess what, Mike: the ruling class won't be happy about losing its power. Here is your optimistic -- sans class war -- "revolution" http://www.willwilkinson.net/flybottle/2009/01/20/i-pledge-to-be-a-servant-to-our-president/
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 21, 2009 07:18 AM
Josh, whether they disavowed destruction over creation is irrelevant to the issue of optimism. I was responding to your BS charge about optimism by pointing out three revolutionaries who were optimists, and you responded by trying to change the subject.
That being said, I agree that they didnt disavow destruction, more so for Durruti and considering the unnecessary rifts he and the militant anarchsits created I think there is an important lesson there to be learned.
I also think the Cuban revolutionaries and folks like Guevara didnt put enough preconception in what they would do after Batista was gone.
With Makhno there was considerable more preconception in what to create in place of the old regimes. Makhno also wrote a few years later about the importance for organization (ie creation):
"Those of our comrades who played an active part in the Russian revolution and who have kept faith with their anarchist positions will be sensitive to the harmfulness that the absence of solid organization has brought to our anarchist movement. Those comrades are well-placed to play a particularly useful role in our current quest for union. It has not gone unnoticed by those comrades, I imagine, that anarchism was a factor for insurrection among the revolutionary working masses in Russia and Ukraine. It incited them to join in the struggle everywhere; but the absence of an organization, capable of marshalling its resources against the revolution's enemies, left it powerless to assume any organizational role."
He was basically saying that just rising up and destroying the old regime was not enough (which is also what I am saying and am going further to say that violent metaphors and cliches about destruction or sweeping away - ie Lenin - are counterproductive rhetoric - which was illustrated considerably in the Spanish Revolution). Because they were ill-prepared for what to put in its place ""The cause of anarchism in the Revolution suffered the dire consequences of that."
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 21, 2009 13:44 PM
It's only irrelevant if you're willing to disavow the context of this whole thread; it was you who compared, if not equated, creation with optimism, so give me a fucking break. Until now, you've put the cart before the horse, offering solutions to problems you've demonstrated little grasp of, articulated in the bourgeois, almost New Age, notion of "creation not destruction." If I've misunderstood anything in what you are trying to express, I think the fault largely lies in your insistence on using undeveloped platitudes, ignoring, among other things, that destruction and creation could and should inform each other in the most "positive" sense. It seems that you are unwilling to think on anything outside the confines of "Parecon." I suspect you won't touch the books I mentioned, but you should add Arno Mayer's The Furies to the list.
Retroactively and self-servingly interpreting Makhno's call for "organization" as a call for "creation over destruction" is laughable.
Since the ends don't justify the means, I would in fact be wary of the reality that, yes, you and the president lecture identical ideas.
"your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy"- Barack Obama, January 20, 2009.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 21, 2009 15:28 PM
"It's only irrelevant if you're willing to disavow the context of this whole thread"
That makes no sense. What does the militancy of the three revolutionaries have to do with the validity of your charge that optimism is a tactic of the bourgeois?
"it was you who compared, if not equated, creation with optimism, so give me a fucking break."
While I do think creating is more a cause for optimism then the ability to destroy I have to point out that I never compared or equated them. In fact, I treated them seprately.
"Until now, you've put the cart before the horse, offering solutions to problems you've demonstrated little grasp of..."
I think pointing out the significance of creation and providing an atmosphere that nurtures broad support and growth demonstrates a good grasp of the problems and how to effectively respond.
"If I've misunderstood anything in what you are trying to express, I think the fault largely lies in your insistence on using undeveloped platitudes, ignoring, among other things, that destruction and creation could and should inform each other in the most "positive" sense."
No, it is your fault you misunderstand. I have re-read what I wrote numerous times and I think I am quite clear. Creation is more significant than destruction. I think this is too obvious to warrant defending. Saying that we should conduct ourselves in ways that nurture support and growth, and pointing out some things the radical Left does that is counterproductive should also be too obvious to warrant defending. And just because someone like Obama adopts similar rhetoric or strategies is no grounds to disavow it either. I mean, he uses the internet to get his views out there. Would you now like to say web-based activism is "bourgeois"?
"It seems that you are unwilling to think on anything outside the confines of "Parecon."
Not true at all. It's just that parecon and its sister projects have answered more of my questions and reflects my personal views more than archaic ones like Marxism.
"I suspect you won't touch the books I mentioned, but you should add Arno Mayer's The Furies to the list."
I look into them. Whether I will find them worth my attention is another story.
"Retroactively and self-servingly interpreting Makhno's call for "organization" as a call for "creation over destruction" is laughable."
It was no interpretation. The quote speaks for itself. It is clear what he is talking about and how it relates to what I am talking about.
"Since the ends don't justify the means, I would in fact be wary of the reality that, yes, you and the president lecture identical ideas.
"your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy"- Barack Obama, January 20, 2009."
Again, using this quote or folks like Obama as a basis to dimminish the value of creating over destroying is poor logic. For obvious reasons.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 21, 2009 21:08 PM
"I think pointing out the significance of creation and providing an atmosphere that nurtures broad support and growth demonstrates a good grasp of the problems and how to effectively respond."
"Pointing out the significance of 'creation?'" How does parroting shallow slogans ad nauseum convey a grasp, for instance, of the state's and capitalism's current crises?
"It's just that parecon and its sister projects have answered more of my questions and reflects my personal views more than archaic ones like Marxism."
You assert that Marxism is archaic and you aren't familiar with Pannekoek or Dunayevskaya? You're comical.
"I look into them. Whether I will find them worth my attention is another story."
Correction: you're a joke.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obama
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 22, 2009 07:08 AM
"How does parroting shallow slogans ad nauseum convey a grasp, for instance, of the state's and capitalism's current crises?"
That's really more of a question you need to ask your self.
"You assert that Marxism is archaic and you aren't familiar with Pannekoek or Dunayevskaya?"
I am very familiar with Pannekoek (and Marx's work as well) and he too talks about the same things I have mentioned. Take Workers' Councils (I have the AK Press edition and have enjoyed the numerous introudctions and prefaces, including Chomsky's) for example. He spells out a strategy to win, "The Task". He says the "real, more extensive and important work" of "the task" is "a period of rapid development [i.e. "creation"]. And notice that he was proactive in conceptualizing what an alternative could look like. I have always found parecon to be an upgraded compliment to Pannekoek's work.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like Obam
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 22, 2009 12:40 PM
"And notice that (Pannekoek) was proactive in conceptualizing what an alternative could look like."
No, he was "proactive" in emphasizing that shared revolutionary principles are of much greater concern than indulging in Parecon-like models, and that "models" will be discovered in material reality through a changed consciousness achieved through class struggle. That is, "models" will not be unilaterally handed down by would-be Bolsheviks and their idiotic minions.
AP: "This new organisation of labor we have to investigate and to clarify to ourselves and to one another, devoting to it the best powers of our mind. We cannot devise it as a phantasy; we derive it from the real conditions and needs of present work and present workers. It cannot, of course, be depicted in detail; we do not know the future conditions that will determine its precise forms. Those forms will take shape in the minds of the workers then facing the task. We must content ourselves for the present to trace the general outlines only, the leading ideas that will direct the actions of the working class. They will be as the guiding stars that in all the vicissitudes of victory and adversity in fight, of success and failure in organisation, keep the eyes steadily directed towards the great goal. They must be elucidated not by minute descriptions of detail, but chiefly by comparing the principles of the new world with the known forms of existing organisations."
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds Like
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 22, 2009 13:33 PM
It is a delusional fantasy that alternative models can only be "discovered" after the change in consciouness occurs. Marxism itself does not fit that description. It was not "discovered" after a change of consciouness, but was created as a tool to help change consciouness, much like parecon was. My problem with it is that it was economistic and didnt consider enough.
As I talk to non-radicals about this kind of stuff I notice they are less radicalized by vague principles than conceputalizations into how things could look. Saying we need "solidarity" has no where near the consciouness changing potential as describing the possibility of social ownership, participatory planning, balanced job complexes and remuneration based on effort and sacrifice.
Given a choice between principles and more detailed concepts and vision and strategty, I will choose the latter every time.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Sounds L
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 22, 2009 14:49 PM
No, Marx explicitly did not offer a model. His main contribution was to convincingly analyze the present, specifically capitalism. Another example of analysis that dramatically changed consciousness was 'Society of the Spectacle.' This, again, was significantly not a model, but an insightful examination of the present. Confronted with a denaturalized demonstration of the terribleness of the status quo -- including its needlessness -- people revolted.
And I for one, and the thoughtful radicals I know, would in fact be repulsed by the subjugating doctrine of "remuneration based on effort and sacrifice." Sounds awfully Christian (i.e. controlling). It's ironic that while Parecon eschews Marx's brilliant focus on material reality (i.e. economics) it perpetuates his screwed up embrace of work ethic-based production. It's about freedom, dude.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Soun
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 22, 2009 15:37 PM
I never said Marx himself presented Marxism as a model. You really should try reading what I actually write instead of tilting at windmills. That Marx wrote about the ills of the existing order and it incited people to revolt is true enough, but my impression of the main faults of Marxism and many anarchist factions as well, is that the inattention to what to replace it with was an achilles heel - as well as the divisive and violent rhetoric. Knowing something is wrong and uprising has clearly proven to be not enough. Emotionally charged and spewing rhetoric about "principles" and a dogmatically blind faith that the appropriate solutions will spontaneously manifest themselves after the fact is an impractical risk to say the least.
And if not effort and sacrifice as a basis for remuneration then what? Let me guess, it would be imprudent to consider because we must wait for a change in consciousness, not also that Marx or AP would be opposed, and whatever alternative spontaneously presents itself will surely reflect optimal "freedom," right? And all we can do to nurture this change in consciousness is offer vague "principles" about fair compensation standards, right? And if someone asks what is a fair comepnsation standard all we can do is deride them for jumping the gun and tell them that they should devote themselves to revolution based on principles and worry about the details later. That logic is bullshitt.
We dont need a change in consciousness to consider how to respond to issues of ownership, remuneration, allocation and division of labor no more than we need a change in consciousness to analyze what is wrong.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re:
By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 22, 2009 20:16 PM
"And if not effort and sacrifice as a basis for remuneration then what?"
What is striking to me is how much your "revolution" resembles capitalism and its Protestant morality. "Sacrifice?" Alienated labor and productionist ideologies are the problem. You've admitted that you don't prioritize principles, which is possibly why you don't value freedom.
And people calling themselves Marxists were in fact obsessed with planning the "replacement" of capitalism. It was the absence of principles that allowed the reproduction of alienated labor, for all intents and purposes private property, and of course mass murder and a police state. You don't think that, say, Lenin dealt in tactics and planning? LOL
And you have a problem with "divisive and violent" rhetoric? Have you considered the historical context in which those things developed? What's your "strategy" for dealing with the inevitable counterrevolution? To say something "optimistic?"
"And all we can do to nurture this change in consciousness is offer vague "principles" about fair compensation standards, right?"
Again, your questions are loaded with dubious premises. What I will say is that a solid understanding of capitalism combined with liberatory principles will point to the necessity of ending private property, capitalism, and the state. Calling that "unrealistic" compared to your ostensibly more accessible reformism is, considering history and the depth of today's crises, the most unrealistic view of all.
Your assertion that "We don't need a change in consciousness" is based on your assumption that the consciousness of you and your planner friends is already fine. But the issues (most of which won't even present themselves until they do) are for all to discuss and decide, not some vanguardist clique, whether the ISO or Parecon (speaking of divisions of labor).
You discount the need for a change in consciousness, yet you're a nationalist, or merely exploit nationalism to appeal to "the masses": "... surely we can find ways to make revolution and social liberation look as American as apple pie." No principled revolutionary would utter such hogwash. But, as you noted, you don't care for principle: all that's left, however, is your desire for control.
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Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re: Re:
By McGehee, Michael at Jan 23, 2009 07:34 AM
Josh,
You constantly used strawmen arguments. From the claim I equated creation with optimism to parecon being "handed down unilaterally" (and with many others in between) to now the claim i dont prioritize principles or value freedom. It's such a silly and nonsensical accusation, but hey, that's been the crux of your entire list of comments. Just like your asinine comment on sacrifice resembling capitialism and protestant morality.
I do prioritize principles, but what I dont do is just stick with having principles. The reason I advocate parecon is because it not only has principles (ie values) but that the creators conceptualized an alternative economic system that has the principles/values as the base; the foundation. In other words, just railing on about solidarity, self-management, diversity, equity and efficiency would not be enough. Showing how these values could be the bedrock in an alternative system by looking at ownership, allocation, remuneration and division of labor does.
And you are confusing alienation of labor with division of labor. Alienation of labor is when workers dont have control over their work; a division of labor is the separation of tasks. Not everyone can do everything, therefore it is divided. Besides, some people may not be skilled at certain things. You wouldnt want someone with parkinsons disease to be a brain surgeon and you wouldnt want a deaf person to answer phones. But having divided labor does not mean it is alienated.
And one of the reasons I dont advocate divisive and violent rhetoric is because of how easy it can be used by counter-revolutionists!! Take SDS and the Weathermen as a prime example. The latter was counterproductive and fell more into the hands of counterrevolutionaries than not.
"Again, your questions are loaded with dubious premises. What I will say is that a solid understanding of capitalism combined with liberatory principles will point to the necessity of ending private property, capitalism, and the state. Calling that "unrealistic" compared to your ostensibly more accessible reformism is, considering history and the depth of today's crises, the most unrealistic view of all."
That was nowhere close to answering my question. In any economy there will have to be some form of compensation for labor. Saying ending private property, capitalism and the state is a necessity says nothing. I agree private property should be ended, but replaced with what? Parecon advocates social ownership - and I agree. Replace capitalism with what? Again, we need to understand what an economy is, does and what its central features are. Economies allow for production, consumption and allocattion. Which means we need to address ownership, allocation, remuneration and division of labor. To say sacrifice resembles capitalism and protestant morality is ridiculous. Some people do more unpleasant or dangerous work - that is, they sacrifice more to do something. If you work in a floral shop and I am a firefighter then I sacrifice more. If we work the same amount of hours then I should get paid more because though the duration of our work may be the same, the intensity is not. I am not getting compensated for owning property, or having special skills or because I inherited genes that made me stronger or faster than you. We are simply getting paid based on the intensity and duration of our work.
"Your assertion that "We don't need a change in consciousness" is based on your assumption that the consciousness of you and your planner friends is already fine. But the issues (most of which won't even present themselves until they do) are for all to discuss and decide, not some vanguardist clique, whether the ISO or Parecon (speaking of divisions of labor)."
This is another ridiculous comment. Nothing is being handed down unilaterally or being planned centrally. An alternative model was created, people like me considered it, found it preferable because it answeres many questions that have arisen from past experiences and are advocating it. Comparing this to a vanguardist clique makes no sense whatsoever.
"You discount the need for a change in consciousness, yet you're a nationalist, or merely exploit nationalism to appeal to "the masses": "... surely we can find ways to make revolution and social liberation look as American as apple pie." No principled revolutionary would utter such hogwash. But, as you noted, you don't care for principle: all that's left, however, is your desire for control."
Again, you are making an assertion that isnt true. I dont discount the need for changing consciousnesses. You left off the end part of where I saw we dont need that change to consider alternatives. Completing the sentence makes a world of difference in context and meaning. The random people who walk into my office and have little understanding of how the economy works or what parecon is dont need to have their consciousness changed before we devise alternative systems because we can devise alternative systems that could be useful in helping people change their consciousness. For example, I can talk with people about the economy and they will get cynical and ask, "then what can we do about it?" Simply spouting off principles by saying "we need solidarity and self-management" would ring hollow for them. But saying we can do this and this and change this feature this way and that, resonates with them more. I know this from personal experience.
This is my last response to you on the topic so I will summarize: we do need to replace capitalism but we must cosider that simply destroying it is not enough. Having a model to experiment with and that addresses any probel we can conceive before hand would be useful. I am finding that with parecon. We also need to conduct ourselves in ways that nurtures growth, support and doesnt make us easy prey for counter-revolutionary propaganda (which the divisive and violently rhetorical Left does needlessly). We should also seek the improvement in the welfare of society without losing focus of our goal. We may want to obtain livable wages but we also want to use that achievment to inspire workers to also seek balanced job complexes, fair remuneration standards, workers self-management and so on.
What you have done nearly a dozen times is tilt at windmills. I highlighted many of those examples. I dont think any of this will sink in on you since I suspect you as being one of those mush-minded reactionaries who prefer to play the endless antagonist (which is completely different than someone who is a constructive critic). You dogmatically cling to stale and archaic theories like it is a blind faith. Just because Marx said or wrote something or that AP said or wrote something doesnt mean we should cling to it as a doctrinal truth. Talk to people and see if they just want obscure principles or more details that demonstrate those principles. Besides, this is all common sense, or should be.
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By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 23, 2009 19:17 PM
If a doctor diagnoses a patient with cancer, the patient doesn't ask: What will we replace it with?
"Self-managing workers" means internalizing the boss. I want to eliminate the boss.
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By Sperber, Joshua at Jan 23, 2009 19:20 PM
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By McGehee, Michael at Jan 23, 2009 20:14 PM
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