Kashmir: A “No-Peace” Political Initiative
Kashmir: A “No-Peace” Political Initiative
By Angana Chatterji
First published in Conveyor Newsmagazine, Srinagar, Volume 2, No 8, September-October 2010, published on October 22, 2010
The 8-point Plan, New Delhi’s political initiative to address the crises in Kashmir, attests to the parallel and incommensurate realities of the sovereign and the subjugated, the Indian state and the Kashmiris.
The 8-point Plan renders obvious New Delhi’s limited comfort zone. The Plan is not an overture to healing the reality of suffering and outrage inside Kashmir. Rethinking militarization and military governance is not the priority. The ambition is to manage Kashmiris and to keep the disarray concealed from the international gaze.
New Delhi announced its 8-point Plan on September 25, 2010, following the visit to India-ruled Kashmir of a 39-member All Party Delegation from New Delhi led by Union Home Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, and parallel to the 65th Session of the United Nations General Assembly meetings in New York City. That Defence Minister Arackaparambil KurianAntony did not accompany the All Party Delegation was indicative of New Delhi’s mood.
On the part of New Delhi, the will to mend the rupture between India and Kashmir will require a non-deceptive gaze into power and history. India evidences how powerful states are unable and unwilling to act with humility. There is no admission of culpability on the part of the Indian state -- no acknowledgement of the violence of militarization, authoritarian government, and crimes against humanity perpetrated on Kashmir since the 1990s.
On the part of New Delhi, there is no cognition of the actual grievances voiced by the people of Kashmir. There is no recognition of the shifts in the people’s struggle for self-determination within Kashmir, or of how the shift from violence to nonviolence within the Kashmir resistance movement offers a rich space for critical engagement and principled dialogue toward resolution.
The 8-Point Plan
The provisions of the 8-point Plan stated that interlocutors from India would be appointed to dialogue with civil society and political leaders in Jammu and Kashmir, even as the terms for dialogue were not defined. The Plan committed to releasing youth who were detained and arrested on charges of stone pelting this summer. This is imperative and urgent. The number of such youth was listed at 245, while various human rights defenders and journalists in Kashmir state the figure to be higher.
The Plan made no commitment to review the conditions in which the youth were detained or arrested, to freeing political prisoners, or to endorsing the right to civil disobedience. The Plan made no mention of holding the perpetrators accountable. Neither did New Delhi intend to negate the Government of India’s tactic of violence used to govern and domesticate Kashmiris.
The Plan proposed to set up taskforces in Jammu and Ladakh to assess the effect of the situation in Kashmir. No taskforce was proposed for assessing the effect of India’s rule on Kashmir.
The Plan promised 500,000 Indian Rupees (rather than the customary 100,000 Rupees) to the next of kin of victims killed by Indian forces.The Plan made no commitment to investigate the killings of over a hundred Kashmiris by the Indian forces in Summer 2010. “‘Shinning India’ can afford to pay a larger price for murdering Kashmiris,” Kashmiri youth deride. “Is the plan to continue to kill us, just for a better price?”
The Plan asked that the Government of Jammu and Kashmir restart educational institutions, and proposed 1 billion Indian Rupees to rebuild infrastructure.
How do we take seriously that the Indian state is concerned about education in Kashmir and enabling academic freedom? School and university curricula in Kashmir largely cannot focus on issues pertinent to Kashmiri lives in global and historical context. Students seeking to study the conflict and issues of violence and militarization, in the arts, humanities, and the social sciences, are rarely permitted to do so. Faculty and student work is monitored. Institutions of higher learning in Kashmir are pre-empted from engaging in informed and empowered critique of the Indian state. Deliberate isolation of Kashmir from other worlds through the policies of the Indian state has endangered intellectual life. Innovative discourses and methodologies are infrequently accessible to Kashmiri schoolteachers and faculty at universities. Kashmiri students who are related to former, even deceased, militants have not been permitted to travel abroad even when they have secured scholarships for further study. The Plan omitted to raise these issues.
The Plan did not initiate a review into the conduct of Indian forces stationed at schools and colleges that psychologically degrade and physically harass girls/minors at institutions. Many young women have been traumatized by the conduct of Indian soldiers, and, at times, have been compelled to use the hijab or burkha to create a barrier to the unwanted advance of the Indian forces.
The use of gendered and sexualized violence by the Indian state as a tool in the militarization of Kashmir, and the attendant breakdown of “law” and “order,” such as the inability of victims to file First Information Reports with the police, and the fact that the very Indian forces that perpetrate the crimes are the ones Kashmiris must turn to for recourse, remained out of focus in the 8-point Plan.
The Plan proposed to reduce barricades and check points in public spaces to facilitate the movement of civilians. This is not about curtailing militarization; rather it seeks to enable selected trade and commerce and make such productivity compatible with militarization. Were the Plan focused on demilitarization, the proposal would have included a reduction in troops, and the elimination of electronic espionage and other monitoring mechanisms. The Plan would promise to return land annexed from Kashmiris by the Indian Armed Forces.
The Plan stated that New Delhi would support the Government of Jammu and Kashmir to review and repeal detention cases filed under the Public Safety Act. The Public Safety Act of 1978 has been systematically misused to contain civil disobedience, and detain persons characterized by the Indian forces as “anti-national” and “agitational terrorists”for up to two years on unconfirmed suspicion.
Revoking the charges against detainees is a one-time measure unless the Government of India commits to rescinding the series of impunity laws deployed in the administration of Kashmir, and to reversing the special powers, privileges, and immunity granted to the Indian forces in Kashmir. That this is not the intent was further confirmed, as the Plan did not propose the revocation of the repressive Armed Forces Special Powers Act.
The Plan outlined that the Unified Command would review the provisions of the Disturbed Areas Act of 1976.Headed by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, the Unified Command is the supervisory organization for the security forces in Jammu and Kashmir. The apex body functions as a government and military collective, constituted of senior officers from the Army, Central Reserve Police Force, Border Security Force, Intelligence Bureau, Jammu and Kashmir Police, and civil administration personnel.
The powers of the Chief Minister have been subordinate to those of the military in Kashmir. Army officials have refuted changes proposed to impunity laws by the Chief Minister in the past. What is in place to allow different results now? Given the structure of governance in Kashmir, how is the Chief Minister in a position to compel the Unified Command to change impunity laws? Is New Delhi using the Plan to implicate the Chief Minister in shifting liability from the Government of India? Is New Delhi using the Plan to further its camouflage of Kashmir as a “law and order” problem that the Government of Jammu and Kashmir is unable to control?
New Delhi’s directive to the Unified Command bypasses the Jammu and Kashmir State Legislative Assembly, rendering the review undemocratic and non-transparent. Assigning the review of the Disturbed Areas Act to the Unified Command consigns the repositioning of the conditions of militarization to military jurisdiction.
Kashmiris are fatigued by the interminable “new beginnings” and the deadened political initiatives and Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) that they prompt.CBMs have not shifted the realities within Kashmir. CBMs have been about India and Pakistan. If we review the primary CBMs since 2005, what has been made possible or deemed significant attests to the posturing between India and Pakistan on the matter of Kashmir.
In April 2005, the bus service from Srinagar to Muzaffarabad was initiated. In October 2005 there was agreement to establish a hotline between the maritime security agencies of India and Pakistan allowing early exchange of information on the infringement by fishing communities into each nation’s territorial waters. In January 2006, the bus service from Lahore to Amritsar was instituted. In May 2006, India and Pakistan agreed to trade raw produce between the various regions of Jammu and Kashmir. This did not take into account the needs of local communities and has been ineffectual in energizing local economies.
In August 2007, 72 Pakistani nationals, including 48 fishermen and 24 prisoners, were released from India’s prisons, and 135 Indian nationals, including 100 fishermen and 35 prisoners, were released from Pakistan’s prisons. In April 2008, India signed a joint agreement with Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Turkmenistan for a 7.6 billion US dollar, 1,680 kilometre, environmentally controversial, pipeline project estimated to supply 3.2 billion cubic feet of natural gas by 2015. In May 2008, sanctioned by the Government of India, Junoon, the Pakistani rock band, performed in Srinagar. Also in May 2008, the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan agreed to a series of Kashmir-focused CBMs, including a triple-entry permit to facilitate movement across the Line of Control and permit consular reach to prisoners. No measures sought to reconnect communities and families whose ties were severed through Indo-Pak border politics.
In January 2009, for the 18th consecutive year, India and Pakistan exchanged lists of nuclear facilities located on their territories. In July 2009, the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan met on the sidelines of the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Egypt, and issued a joint statement “charting the way forward in India-Pakistan relations.”
In charting the “way forward,” India and Pakistan remain silent on key questions concerning India-held Kashmir and on the future of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir. The most sanguine strategies in the “way forward” are focused on reconciliations between India and Pakistan that are of mutual economic and political benefit. Kashmir is inconvenient to this stratagem. Does this situation not render inevitable the need for mediation on Kashmir by an outside party?
At the United Nations General Assembly meeting in September 2010, India focused on terrorism and national security, and called for the expansion of the United Nations Security Council with the objective of self-inclusion. The Kashmir issue did find mention. India reiterated Kashmir to be “an integral part of India” and identified Kashmir as the “target of Pakistan-sponsored militancy and terrorism.”This obdurate strategy to link the resistance within Kashmir to cross-border terrorism has been pivotal to India’s tactic to isolate Kashmiris and to subvert the legitimacy of Kashmir’s grievances against Indian rule.
In directing the gaze on Pakistan, India shifts international focus away from its own record in Kashmir. Since 1990, over 70,000 people have died in India-held Kashmir, over 8,000 have been disappeared, and 250,000 have been displaced.More than 60,000 have been tortured. Approximately 671,000troops administerIndia-held Kashmir today, while official figures record the presence of approximately 1,000 militants.
The Government of India doesnot recognize Kashmir as an international dispute. Doing so is not in India’s interest. If Kashmir were acknowledged as an international dispute, the Government of India could be held accountable by international mechanisms in conflict resolution. Crimes against humanity committed by the Indian state and its officials could then be tried under international human rights and humanitarian law.
International policy and the human rights industry are better equipped to address issues after a regime change, once authoritarian rule is replaced by a government willing to address the violations committed by its predecessor. International policy and human rights institutions are not well positioned to intervene when the perpetrator nation has not signed and ratified significant agreements in international human rights and humanitarian policy. India has not ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance or the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. India has not signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
International policy and human rights institutions are not positioned to intervene while atrocities are taking place in Kashmir without the will to justice of powerful nations, especially the United States and those in the European Union.
Confronting India’s political and human rights violations in Kashmir has not been a priority for powerful nations. Given this, the international human rights community has been less inclined to approach the Kashmir issue or make an impactful difference. This is further compounded by the “ngo-ization” of social change processes in Kashmir. Non-governmental organizations are ever more dependent on government and corporate financing, which undermines their ability to function as collectives or to work in solidarity with grassroots movements.Neither is philanthropy invested in conflict resolution. Philanthropy is interested in technical solutions and focused on addressing the symptoms -- poverty, disease, non-literacy -- not the structural issues that produce these realities and hold them in place.
What Lies Ahead?
The impasse between the Government of India’s habitual evocation of Kashmir as “integral” to India in nationalist rhetoricand prevalent Kashmiri understandings of postcolonial India as an occupying power has only intensified.
Through a disingenuous “Dialogue Process,” the Indian state dismisses the incessant movement on the streets of Kashmiris determined to attain freedom. Kashmiri demands for self-determination are in fundamental contradiction to the Government of India’s offer of “peace.” New Delhi’s peace plans only strengthen its control over Kashmir.
The conversation this summer in India remained focused on stone pelting by Kashmiri youth and Muslim identity politics. The interplay of state repression, military violence, and Hindu majoritarian nationalism in the government of Kashmir found scarce mention.
The 8-point Plan is intended to disperse the resistance in Kashmir, not address injustices, as a precursor to sincere dialogue. The Indian state’s treatment of Kashmir belies its state of mind. While the Indian state’s discourse focused on how the Government of India was intent on ameliorating conditions in Kashmir, in practise, regularized states of exception have continued.
Preceding and following the Ayodhya verdict, for example, Indian forces were placed on “heightened” alert in Kashmir, and strict curfews were imposed, anticipating Kashmiri retaliation.
The Ayodhya verdict, delivered by the Special Full Bench of the Allahabad High Court in Uttar Pradesh on September 30, 2010, privileged majoritarian faith over justice.The verdict adjudicated the division of the Babri Masjid (Mosque) land into three parcels: a third to the Sunni Muslim Waqf Board, a third to the Hindu group Ram Lalla, and another third to the Hindu group Nirmohi Akhara.
The Indian state’s inconvenient memory omitted that, following the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December of 1992 by Hindu nationalist organizations and cadre, it was Hindu nationalists that mobilized, unchecked, around Ayodhya. It was Hindu nationalists that destroyed Muslim shrines to target Muslim communities in India, rallying for a Ram Temple to assist in the political and literal construction of the Hindu nation.
The Indian state’s actions in Kashmir around the Ayodhya verdict point to the fragility of the Government of India’s commitment to deescalating the situation in Kashmir. The Indian state persistently connotes Kashmiris as “suspicious.” The Indian staterepeatedly implies that the political sensibilities of Kashmiri Muslims correlate with their religious identities.The Indian staterepeatedly identifies all South Asian Muslims as monolithic, inferringIslam, Muslims, and violence as structurally coextensive with one another.
New Delhi’s strategy in Kashmir functions to control crises and maintain status quo. The Government of India’s promises are performative speech-acts without follow-through, a national public relations campaign for local and international consumption that evades responsibility to address the concerns and hopes of Kashmiris.
Is there no reckoning within the Government of India that peace plans inlaid with suspicion and bereft of accountability foreshadow armistice with future enmity? The history of twentieth-century partitions in South Asia is witness to that.
In Kashmir, the agitation continues, unceasingly. Limitlessness dissent is proportional to untold suffering. Dominant media and political institutions in India charge that Kashmiri pro-freedom leaders put youth on the frontlines of the Azaadi (freedom) movement and risk their lives. Dominant media and political institutions do not seek to hold responsible the Indian forces, nor the laws and forms of government that embolden them, for continued killing with impunity.
Dominant media and political institutions disparage the Kashmiri pro-freedom leadership, and speak of the wealth and property these leaders have amassed. Scarce mention is made of leaders who are of working class backgrounds. Information made public is rarely verified. No distinctions are put forward between what may be ethical inconsistencies among certain leaders and the valuable roles they serve within Kashmir. The role of the Indian state in corrupting political leaders in Kashmir to dissipate solidarity between civil society and the pro-freedom leadership is not analyzed.
New Delhi is incredulous that Kashmiris overwhelmingly reject its overtures. Dominant media and political institutions criticize Kashmiri youth for turning down the employment that India promises and protesting on the streets. Such behaviour is used to justify why India and Indians are unfavourably disposed toward them.
Dominant media and political institutions charge that in keeping alive the call to Azaadi, Kashmiri pro-freedom leaders prevent youth from attending schools and assuming normal lives. “Normal” is far outside the ambit of Kashmiris in Kashmir, and has been so for two decades now. Declining school attendance is ammunition to blame Kashmiris and their leadership, masking the reasons for social decline.
Dominant media and political institutions leave unnamed that civil society dissent on the streets and alleyways of Kashmir is perhaps the solitary roadblock to New Delhi’s amnesia over Kashmir’s resolution.
United States President Barack Obama’s visit to India is scheduled for early November. Diplomats and Indian peace agents traverse Kashmir, enacting the obligatory gestures of Track II Diplomacy. The deficit of resolve to a workable resolution on Kashmir within Indian civil society and the international community authorizes the Government of India to manipulate inexpedient political initiatives to appease Kashmiris, while obfuscating denials of justice. In the absence of such resolve, the Government of India continues to circumvent the crucial next step -- crafting frameworks in transition, mediation, and reparation that are acceptable to Kashmiris.
For Kashmir, what now? What interventions might compel the dominant to listen to the subaltern whose lives dominance devalues and destroys? The refusals of subjugated Kashmiris are interpreted by India through the narcissistic gaze of power. India understands Kashmir’s dissent and acts of sustained agitation to be about “India.” Kashmir’s actions seek resolution to the realities of corporeal, historical forces that imprison the spirit, and profoundly shape the “everyday,” saturating society and psyche with torment and brutality. The disconnection and contradictions are harrowing.
Dr. Angana Chatterji is Professor, Department of Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies. She is Co-convener of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir.
- Chatterji: Manufactured Nemesis
- Chatterji: Militarized Kashmir
- Chatterji: Violent Gods: Hindu Nationalism in India's Present; Narratives from Orissa
- Chatterji: Violent Gods
- Chatterji: RSS in Orissa
- Chatterji: Hindutva's Violent History
- Chatterji: Mass Graves in Kashmir
- Chatterji: Hindutva's Terror
- Chatterji: Riots in Orissa
- Chatterji: Don't Damn Narmada
- All Kashmir: A “No-Peace” Political Initiative
Kashmir: A Time for Freedom
Kashmir: A Time for Freedom
By Angana Chatterji
First published in Greater Kashmir, Daily Newspaper, Srinagar
September 25, 2010
“Freedom” represents many things across rural and urban spaces in India-ruled Kashmir. These divergent meanings are steadfastly united in that freedom always signifies an end to India’s authoritarian governance.
In the administration of brutality, India, the postcolony, has proven itself coequal to its former colonial masters. Kashmir is not about “Kashmir.” GoverningKashmir is about India’s coming of age as a power, its ability to disburse violence, to manipulate and dominate. Kashmir is about nostalgia, about resources, and buffer zones. The possession of Kashmir by India renders an imaginary past real, emblematic of India’s triumphant unification as a nation-state. Controlling Kashmir requires that Kashmiri demands for justice be depicted as threatening to India’s integrity. India’s contrived enemy in Kashmir is a plausible one - the Muslim “Other,” India’s historically manufactured nemesis.
What is at Stake?
Between June 11 and September 22 of 2010, Kashmir witnessed the execution of 109 youth, men, and women by India’s police, paramilitary, and military. Indian forces opened fire on crowds, tortured children, detained elders without explanation, and coerced false confessions. Since June 7, there have been 73 days of curfew and 75 days of strikes and agitation. On September 11, the day of Eid-ul-Fitr,the violence continued. The paramilitary and police verbally abused and physically attacked civil society dissenters. Summer 2010 was not unprecedented. Kashmir has been subjected to much, much worse.
The use of public and summary execution for civic torturehas been held necessary to Kashmir’s subjugation by the Indian state. Militarization has asserted vigilante jurisdiction over space and politics. The violence isstaged, ritualistic, and performative, used to re-assertIndia’s power over Kashmir’s body. The fabrications of the military -- fake encounters, escalating perceptions of cross-border threat -- function as the truth-making apparatus of the nation. We are witness to the paradox of history, as calibrated punishment -- the lynching of the Muslim body, the object of criminality -- enforces submission of a stateless nation (Kashmir) to the once-subaltern postcolony (India).
Kashmir is about the spectacle. The Indian state’s violence functions as an intervention, to discipline and punish, to provoke and dominate. The summer of 2010 evidenced India’s manoeuvring against Kashmir’s determination to decide its future. The use of violence by the Indian forces was deliberate, their tactics cruel and precise, amidst the groundswell of public dissent. This was the third summer, since 2008, of indefatigable civil society uprisings for “Azaadi” (freedom).
What is the Indian state hoping to achieve? One, that Kashmiris would submit to India’s domination, forsaking their claim to separation from India (to be an independent state or, for some, to be assimilated with Pakistan), or their demand for full autonomy. Or, that provoked, grief-stricken, and weary, Kashmiris would take up arms once again, giving India the opportunity to fortify its propaganda that Kashmiri civil society dissent against Indian rule is nurtured and endorsed today by external forces and groups in Pakistan and Afghanistan. If the latter transpires, India will manipulate this to neutralize Kashmiri demands for de-militarization and conflict resolution, to extend its annexation of Kashmir, and further normalize civic and legal states of exception.
If India succeeds in both provoking local armed struggle and linking Kashmiri resistance to foreign terror, it will acquire international sanction to continue its government of Kashmir on grounds of “national security,” and “have proof” that Kashmiris are not organically debating India’s government of them, but are pressurized into it by external forces. India can then reinforce its armed forces in Kashmir, presently 671,000 strong, to prolong the killing spree.
Such provocation as policy is a mistake. Such legitimation of military rule will produce intractable conflict and violence. All indications are that Kashmiri civil society dissent will not abate. It is not externally motivated, but historically compelled.
Dominant nation-states overlook that freedom struggles are not adherent to the moralities of violence versus nonviolence, but reflect a desire to be free. Dominant nation-states forget that the greater the oppression, the more fervent is resistance. The greater the violence, the more likely is the provocation to counter-violence.
Whether dissent in Kashmir turns into organized armed struggle or continues as mass-based peaceful resistance is dependent upon India’s political decisions. If India’s subjugation persists, it is conceivable that the movement for nonviolent dissent, mobilized since 2004, will erode. Signs indicate that it is already slightly threadbare. It is conceivable that India’s brutality will induce Kashmiri youth to close the distance between stones and petrol bombs, or more. If India fails to act, if Pakistan acts only in its self-interest, and if the international community does not insist on an equitable resolution to the Kashmir dispute, it is conceivable, that, forsaken by the world, Kashmiris will be compelled to take up arms again.
Misogynist groups such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba, al-Qaeda, or the Taliban are mercenaries looking for takers in Kashmir. By the Indian state’s record, there are between 500-700 militants in the Kashmir Valley today. These groups have not been successful because Kashmiris have been disinterested in alliances with them, and not because the Indian army is successful in controlling them. This time, an armed mobilization by Kashmiris would include an even stronger mass movement than that which occurred between 1990 and 2004/2007, led by youth whose lives have been shaped by the two-decade long violence of militarization.
Who wants that? Can the South Asian Subcontinent, already nuclearized, survive that? India is accountable to keep this from happening. Not through the use of unmitigated force, but through listening to the demands for change made by Kashmiris.
Will to Power
This summer, India’s violence on Kashmir was threaded through with strategic calculation. The police, military, and paramilitary have, without provocation, brutalized widespread peaceable protests across Kashmirthat were dissenting the suppression of civil society by Indian forces. Hostile Indian forces acted with the knowledge and sanction of the Government of India and the Government of Jammu and Kashmir. The repeated repression by state forces provoked civilians, whose political means of expression and demands have been systematically denied, to engage in stone pelting. The conditions of militarization prompted them to be in non-compliance with declared, undeclared, and unremitting curfews. In instances, civilians engaged in acts of violence, including arson.
Each instance of civilian violence was provoked by the unmitigated and first use of force on civilians and/or extrajudicial killings on the part of Indian forces. Peaceable civilian protests by women and men dissented the actions of Indian forces. Individuals, caught in the midst of the unrest, or mourning the death of a civilian, were fired upon by Indian forces, leading to other killings by Indian forces, more civilian protests, greater use of force by the police and paramilitary, use of torture in certain instances by Indian forces, more killings by Indian forces, larger, even violent, civilian protests, and further state repression.
In Summer 2010, dominant discourse focused on the use of stone pelting and on the instances of violence by youth in Kashmir as the reason for armed action on the part of the state. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh focused on the need for efficient tactics in “crowd control.” India’s elite intelligentsia, inculcated into “rational” conduct, and no longer outraged by suffering, assessed the costs and benefits of militaristic violence.
Civil society demonstrations in Kashmir are not a law and order problem, as they have been reported. Stone pelting, and incidents of arson and violence, are not causal to the violence that is routine in Kashmir today. Stone pelting does not seek to kill, and has not resulted in death. Pro-freedom leaders (termed “separatists” by the Indian state) have emphasized nonviolent civil disobedience, and have appealed to civil society to not engage in violent protests in reaction to the violence and killings by Indian forces.
Indianpotentates disregard that suppression acts to catalyze the resistance movement in Kashmir. The Government of India continues to monitor the resistance movement, shifting the boundaries of acceptable practise of civil liberties. Kashmiris are allowed to protest in New Delhi, while in Kashmir sloganeering (“Go, India, Go Back,” “Indian Dogs Go Home,” “Quit Kashmir,”) is met with force.When Masarat Alam Bhat, a rising pro-freedom leader, issued an appeal to Indian soldiers in July to “Quit Kashmir,” Indian authorities banned its circulation.
Acts of violence by protesting civilians increased as military violence continued into September. On September 13, crowds in Kashmir torched a Christian missionary school and some government offices while protesting the call to desecrate the Qur’anby Florida Pastor Terry Jones. On September 13, 18 civilians were killed by the Indian forces in Kashmir (a police officer also died). Provocation is easy in a context of sustained brutality. Provoking Kashmiri dissenters to violence serves to confirm the dominant story of Muslims as “violent.”Yet again, several pro-freedom leaders condemned the attack on the Christian school and renewed their call for nonviolent dissent.
On September 13, the Government of India stated its willingness to engage with Kashmiri groups that reject violence. New Delhi did not apply the same precondition to itself. Nor did it acknowledge that pro-freedom groups have repeatedly opposed the use of violence in recent years.
The Kashmiri Muslim is caricatured as violent by India’s dominant political and media apparatus. There is a refusal to recognize the inequitable historical-political power relations at play between Muslim-prevalent Kashmir’s governance by Hindu-dominant India. The racialization of the Muslim, as “Other” and barbaric, reveals the xenophobia of the Indian state. Distinctions in method and power, between stone pelter and armed soldier, between “terrorist” and “freedom fighter,” are inconvenient.
The Indian state’s discourse is animated by the prejudice that Kashmiri inclinations to violence are subsidized by Pakistan.Such misconceptions ignore that while Kashmiris did travel to Pakistan to seek arms training, such activity was largely confined to the early days of the armed militancy, circa late 1980s through the mid-1990s.Pathologies of “violent Muslims” legitimate the discursive and physical violence of the Indian “security” forces, which is presented as necessary protection for the maintenance of the Hindu majoritarian Indian nation.
I have spent considerable time between July 2006 and July 2010 learning about Kashmir, working in Kashmir. In undertaking the work of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir, I have travelled across Kashmir’s cities and countryside, from Srinagar to Kupwara, through Shopian and Islamabad (Anantnag), with Parvez Imroz, Zahir-Ud-Din, and Khurram Parvez. I have witnessed the violence that is perpetrated on Kashmiris by India’s military, paramilitary, and police. I have walked through the graveyards that hold Kashmir’s dead, and have met with grieving families. I have sat with witnesses, young men, who described how Indian forces chased down and executed their friends for participating in civil disobedience. I have met women whose sons were disappeared. I have met with “half-widows.”I have spoken with youth, women and men, who are enraged. I have also spoken with persons who were violated by militants in the 1990s. Peoples’ experiences with the reprehensible atrocities of militancy do not imply the abdication of their desires for self-determination. The Indian state deliberately conflates militancy with the people’s mass movement for liberation.
I have met with torture survivors, non-militants and former militants, who testified to the sadism of the forces. Men who had petrol injected through the anus. Water-boarding, mutilation, being paraded naked, rape of women, children, and men, starvation, humiliation, and psychological torture. An eagle tattoo on the arm of a man was reportedly identified by an army officer as a symbol of Pakistan-held Azad Kashmir, even as the man clarified the tattoo was from his childhood. The skin containing it was burned. The officer said, the man recalled: “When you look at this, think of Azaadi.” A mother, reportedly asked to watch her daughter’s rape by army personnel, pleaded for her release. They refused. She then pleaded that she could not watch, asking to be sent out of the room or be killed. The soldier pointed a gun to her forehead, stating he would grant her wish, and shot her dead before they proceeded to rape the daughter.
Who are the forces? Disenfranchised caste and other groups, Assamese, Nagas, Sikhs, Dalits (erstwhile “untouchable” peoples), and Muslims from Kashmir, are being used to combat Kashmiris. Why did 34 soldiers commit suicide in Kashmir in 2008, and 52 fratricidal killings take place between January 21, 2004 and July 14, 2009?Why did16 soldiers commit suicide and 2 die in fratricidal killings between January and early August in 2010?
Laws authorize soldiers to question, raid houses, detain and arrest without chargesheets, and prolong incarceration without due process. They blur distinctions between military/paramilitary, “legality”/“illegality.”Citing “national security,” Indian forces in Kashmir shoot and kill on uncorroborated suspicion, with impunity from prosecution. Yet, revoking the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, for example, will not stop the horror in Kashmir. India’s laws are not the primary contention. India’s political and military existence in Kashmir is the issue. Legal impunity is the cover for the moral impunity of Indian rule.
Is the military willing to withdraw from Kashmir? Since 2002, the Government of India has procured 5 billion US dollars in weaponry from the Israeli state. Authoritarian alliances between once subjugated peoples mark another irony of history. Five billion dollars is a colossal sum for India, where 38 percent of the world’s poor reside. Eight of the poorest states in India are more impoverished than the 26 poorest countries of the African continent. Five billion dollars, in addition to the other monies and resources invested in the militarization of Kashmir, do not evidence an intent to withdraw.
Human rights violations in Kashmir will not stop without removing the military. The military cannot be removed without surgically rupturing India’s will to power over Kashmir.
India needs to make the “Kashmir problem” disappear. India’s diplomacy is directed toward assuming a role as a world power, a world market, and a world negotiator in global politics. India is also seeking a seat onthe United Nations Security Council.
What constitutes India’s dialogue with Kashmiris in conditions of extreme subjugation? The Government of India has scheduled a hurried timeframe in propelling Track II diplomacy into success, to secure a proposal for resolution that is acceptable to India and Pakistan, and, ostensibly, to Kashmiris. The terms of reference set by New Delhi exclude discussionsof self-determination or heightened autonomy, boundary negotiations, the Siachen glacier and critical water-resources, and renegotiations of the Line of Control.
New Delhi and Islamabad appear to be in collusion. If Pakistan overlooks India’s annexation of Jammu and Kashmir, India would be willing to forget Pakistan’s occupation of another fragment of Kashmir.The Musharraf Formula is no longer acceptable to the Government of Pakistan. Afghanistan is the current priority, not Kashmir.Conversations on the phased withdrawal of troops by India and Pakistan at the border, local self-government, and the creation of a joint supervision mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir, involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir, are at an impasse.
The Government in New Delhi is looking to neutralize Kashmir’s demand for self-determination or unabridged autonomy, pushing forward a diluted “autonomy,” seeking to assimilate Kashmir with finality into the Indian nation-state. New Delhi is seeking buy-in, which it hopes to push through using the collaborator coterie in Srinagar. Local self-government would be New Delhi’s compromise -- a weak autonomy -- with a joint supervisory apparatus constituted of India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.
New Delhi hopes that the Kashmiri leadership, including pro-freedom groups, can be restrained, for a price, and weakened through infighting. Certain segments of the pro-freedom leadership have, through history, lacked vision, honesty, and the ability to prioritize collaboration for justice and peace in Kashmir. Certain segments of the religious and political leadership have been unable to collaborate meaningfully with civil society, with observant Muslims and those irreligious, and with non-Muslims. The spiritual commitment to justice in Islamic tradition has receded as religious determinationsembrace instrumental political rationality. The determination of what “freedom” is has been deferred since 1931; instead there has been a focus on immediate and small political gains.
This has plagued and rendered ineffectual segments of the complex Hurriyat alliance in the present, which is often unable to capitalize on the exuberant people’s movement on the streets and pathways of Kashmir. Segments of the pro-freedom leadership have focused on New Delhi rather than Kashmir civil society. New Delhi has fixated on enabling this dynamic, using vast resources to create a collaborator class in Srinagar that undermines the will of the Kashmiri people.
While Pakistan’s politicians have pointed to India’s injustices, they have not reciprocally addressed issues in the management of Pakistan-held Kashmir, including the deflation of movements for the unification of Kashmir. The crisis of state in Pakistan, and the role of its ruling elite in vitiating people’s democratic processes, remains a pitfall for regional security.
The logic that Muslim-prevalent Kashmir must stay with secular India or join Muslim-dominated Pakistan is configured by India’s and Pakistan’s internal ideological needs and identitarian politics. Neither is inevitable. Neither speak to theforemost aspiration of Kashmiris.
The Government of India’s “inclusive dialogue” this summer has systematically disregarded Kashmiri civil society demands, thrusting a violent peace brokered by New Delhi’s agents of change. New Delhi has invited various Kashmiri stakeholders from civil society as well. Their articulations, however, have not shifted the agenda, even as bringing people to the table is used to legitimate India’s visage of inclusivity.
What do a majority of Kashmiris want? First, to secure a good faith agreement with New Delhi and Islamabad regarding the right of Kashmiris to determine the course of their future, set a timeframe, and define the interim conditions necessary to proceed. Following which, civil society and political leaders would ensue processes to educate, debate, and consult civil society, including minority groups, in sketching the terms of reference for a resolution, prior to negotiations with India and Pakistan.
Significantly, pro-freedom leader Syeed Ali Geelani’s statement of August 31 sought to shift the terms of engagement, not requiring the precondition of self-determination or the engagement of Pakistan. Unless New Delhi responds, the protests in Kashmir will continue. Geelani’s statement, supported by the All Parties Hurriyat Conference leaderMirwaiz Umar Farooq, testifies to this. The mood in the streets testifies to this.
New Delhi’s current approach repudiates what Kashmiris want. The omissions made by New Delhi are roadblocks to constituting a minimum agenda for justice and an enduring and relevant peace process.
The Government of India’s “inclusive dialogue” this summerdoes not recognize Kashmir as an international dispute.
The Government of India’s “inclusive dialogue” this summerdoes not include: An immediate halt to, and moratorium on, extrajudicial killings by the Indian military, paramilitary, and police; An immediate halt to, and moratorium on, the use of torture, kidnapping, enforced disappearance, and gendered violence by the Indian military, paramilitary, and police; A plan for the release of political prisoners, the return of those exiled, and contending with the issue of displacement; Agreementson an immediate “soft border” policy between Kashmir, India, and Pakistan, to enable the resurgence of Kashmir’s political economy; Agreements to non-interference in the exercise of civil liberties of Kashmiris, including the right to civil disobedience, and freedom of speech, assembly, religion, movement, and travel.
New Delhi has refused to acknowledge the extent of human rights violations, and how they are integral to maintainingdominion. New Delhi has not explained why militarization in Kashmir has been disproportionately used to brutalize Kashmiris, when ostensibly the Indian forces are in Kashmir to secure the border zones.
The Government of India’s “inclusive dialogue” this summerdoes notinclude a plan for the proactive demilitarization and the immediate revocation of all authoritarian laws. Nor does it include: A plan for the transparent identification and dismantling of detention and torture centres, including in army camps; A plan for the instatement of a Truth and Justice Commission for political and psychosocial reparation, and reckoning loss; A plan for the international and transparent investigations into unknown and mass graves constitutive of crimes against humanity committed by the Indian military, paramilitary, and police. Such omissions are a travesty of any process promising “resolution.”
Islamphobia and Realpolitik
New Delhi has been the self-appointed arbitrator in determining the justifications of Kashmir’s claims to freedom. Kashmir’s claims are historically unique and bona fide. History -- the United Nations Resolutions of 1948, Nehru’s promise of plebiscite (to rethink the temporary accession determined by the Hindu-descent Maharaja, Hari Singh), Article 370 of the Indian Constitution -- is jettisoned by an amnesic India. Official nationalism seeks to rewrite history, affixing Kashmir to India, tooverwrite memory. Within the battlefields of knowledge/power, official“truth” becomes the contagion sustaining cultures of repression and mass atrocity, creating cultures of grief.
The Indian state is apprehensive that any change in the status quo in Kashmir would foster internal crises of gigantic proportion in India.Across the nation there is considerable discontent, as dreams and difference are mortgaged to the idea of India fabricated by the elite. Adivasis (indigenous peoples), Dalits, disenfranchised caste groups, women, religious, ethnic, and gender minorities are fatigued by the nation’s deferred promises. Forty-four million Adivasis have been displaced since 1947. Central India is torn asunder, and as Maoists are designated as the latest “national threat,” national memory forgets the systematic brutalization of peoples in the tribal belt that led to a call to arms. Then there is the Northeast, Punjab, the massacre of Muslims in Narendra Modi’s Gujarat, riots against Christians in Orissa, farmer suicides, the plight of peasants and Adivasis of the Narmada Valley where damsare not the “temples of India,” but its burial grounds.Kashmir cannot remain India’s excuse to avoid dealing with its own internal matters.
Indian civil society decries that Kashmir is not deserving of autonomy or separation, as it, as an assumed Islamist state, would be a threat to India’s democracy. To assume that a Muslim-majority state in Kashmir will be ruled by Islamist extremists in support of global terror reflects majoritarian India’s racism. Dominant Indian (left-oriented) civil society must rethink its characterization of Kashmiri civil society as prevalently “Jamaati.” Jamaat is Arabic for assembly. “Jamaati” is used by Indian civil society to imply Islamist or fundamentalist. The reference can often be translated as Muslim = Jamaati, and Muslim-observant = fundamentalist.
Indians of Hindu descent largely overlook that India’s democracy is infused with Hindu cultural dominance. Indian civil society assumes that Islam and democracy are incompatible, supported by the inflamed Islamphobia in the polities of the West. Importantly, India forgets that in its own history with the British, freedom fighters had noted that the oppressor cannot adjudge when a stateless people are “deserving” of freedom.
Freedom is fundamentally an experiment with risk that Kashmiris must be willing to take. The global community must support them in making such risk ethical. Jammu and Kashmir is a Muslim majority space. The population of India-held Kashmir was recorded at approximately 6,900,000 in2008, of which Muslims are approximately 95 percent. Kashmir’s future as a democratic, inclusive, and pro-secular space is linked to what happens within India and Pakistan.
Kashmiris that wish to be separate from India and Pakistan must assess the difficult alliances yet to be built between Kashmir, Jammu, and Ladakh, and between Muslims and Hindu Pandits, Dogra Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians, indigenous groups, and others. Then, there is the question of what lies ahead between Indian-held Kashmir and Pakistan-held Kashmir. Minority groups, such as Kashmiri Pandits, must refuse the Indian state’s hyper-nationalist strategy in using the Pandit community to create opposition between Muslims and Hindus in Kashmir, as part of a strategy to religionize the issue and govern through communalization.
Where is the international community on the issue of Kashmir?In present history, Palestine, Ireland, Tibet, and Kashmir share correspondence. In Tibet, 1.2 million died (1949-1979), and 320,000 were made refugees. In Ireland, 3,710 have died (1969- 2010). For Israel, the occupation of Palestine has resulted in 10,148 dead (1987-2010), with 4.7 million refugees registered with the United Nations (1947-2010). In Kashmir, 70,000 are dead, over 8,000 have been disappeared, and 250,000 have been displaced (1989-2010).
During British Prime Minister David Cameron’s recent visit to India, he was asked to refrain from bringing up the “K” word. United States President Barak Obama’s proposed visit to New Delhi in November is already laden with prohibitions. India’s rule in Kashmir and its larger human rights record are among them. As well, right-wing Hindu advocacy groups have been successful in securing the silence of many on Capitol Hill on the issue of Kashmir. The Kashmiri diasporahas been partly effective in bringing visibility to the issue, even as the community remains ideologically and politically fragmented.International advocates have propagated an “economic” approach to “normalcy.” This avoids the fact that militarization impacts every facet of life, making economic development outside of political change impossible.
The United States and United Kingdom have debated the reasons for their involvement in Kashmir. In 2010, as of September 23, 351 soldiers from the United States have died in Afghanistan, while the United Kingdom sustained 92 fatalities.Of paramount concern for both is bringing their forces home without compromising the principles of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) operations in the region. To accomplish this would require that Pakistan movesizeable forces from the Indo-Kashmir-Pak border to the Af-Pak frontier. This cannot be done without cessation in Indo-Pak hostilities, which cannot be achieved without the resolution of the Kashmir dispute. However, Kashmir’s resolution cannot mean a sanction to Pakistan’s encroachment on Afghanistan, which, given the political situation in the region, remains a highly likely possibility. For the United States and India, the containment of China is another issue, also linked to Kashmir.
Kashmiris in Kashmir are caught amidst world events and regional machinations, and the unresolved histories of the Subcontinent. The Indian state’s military governance penetrates every facet of life. The sounds of war haunt mohallas. The hyper-presence of militarization forms a graphic shroud over Kashmir: Detention and interrogation centres, army cantonments, abandoned buildings, bullet holes, bunkers and watchtowers, detour signs, deserted public squares, armed personnel, counter-insurgents, and vehicular and electronic espionage. Armed control regulates and governs bodies. It has been reported that, since 1990, Kashmir’s economy has incurred a loss of more than 1,880,000 million Indian Rupees (40.4 billion US Dollars). The immensity of psychosocial losses is impossible to calculate. The conditions of everyday life are in peril. They elicit suffocating anger anddespair, telling a story of the web of violence in which civil society in Kashmir is interned.
For India, constituting a coherent national collective has required multiple wars on difference. National governance determines territory and belonging, disenfranchising subaltern claims.Local struggles for self-determination are brutalized to reproduce obedient national collectives. Systemic acts of oppression chart a history, as relations of powerare choreographed by nation-states in the suppression of others. Massacre, gendercide, genocide, occupation, function within a continuum of tactics in negation/annihilation.
India’s relation to Kashmir is not about Kashmir. Kashmir’s aversion to being subsumed by the Indian state is not reducible to history. If violence breaks lives, Kashmir is quite broken. If oppression produces resistance, Kashmir is profusely resilient. From Michel Foucault to Achille Mbembe, and so much in-between, we are reminded of the myriad techniques in governance that seek to subjugate, while naming subjugation as subject formation, as protection, “security,” law and order, and progress.
Realpolitik triumphs against a backdrop of persistent refusal.Through summer heat and winter snow, across interminable stretches of concertina wire, broken windowpanes, walls, barricades, and checkpoints, the dust settles to rise again. The agony of loss. The desecration of life. Kashmir’s spiritual fatalities are staggering. The dead are not forgotten. Remembrance and mourning are habitual practises of dissent. “We are not free. But we know freedom,” KP tells me. “The movement is our freedom. Our dreams are our freedom. The Indian state cannot take that away. Our resistance will live.”
Dr. Angana Chatterji is Professor, Department of Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies. She is Co-convener of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir.
- Tuesday, Jun 18, 2013
- All Kashmir: A Time for Freedom
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